EL SOCIALISMO REALMENTE EXISTENTE Y SU CRISIS ECONOMICA (Spanish Edition)

Tuya Carlos
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Now, like Trump and his stupid wall, the Council is using Fortress Europe for populist purposes and political debate. You should take an example from that. You should learn from that, from all the NGOs and churches who are actually clamouring for a sensible, humane and effective asylum policy. It is ready to be adopted, so stop playing games. I would like to commend the Commissioner for his strong personal commitment and all the efforts, the tireless efforts, he is making for a common asylum policy. I just have one small request to you, and that is true refrain from putting new proposals on the table, like the recast of the Return Directive, which is absolutely, completely unnecessary and just part of the silly political games of the Council.

Do what the European citizens expect of you and adopt the asylum package, because yes we can do it. Germany has demonstrated it can be done, so just do it. This is the number of people displaced, the overwhelming majority of whom are in their countries of origin. And while we are seeing an increase in the number of refugees we also have to recognise that that is a result of conflict, persecution and that increasingly we are going to see people pushed to move because of climate change, and I am sure that even patriots would want a robust position from the European Union on tackling climate change if they are so worried about the growing number of people moving.

And I would like to ask Council whether they think we have got the balance right, where we are turning a blind eye to human rights abuses in Turkey and Libya? Whether the EU is doing enough on resettlement, that you mentioned, and that in terms of Dublin and secondary movements, are we doing enough to remove the push factors where our Member States are not delivering on the asylum policy correctly so people will move on for family reunion to have their claims heard? We need to be looking at what we are doing and we could do better.

Sull'immigrazione non siamo un'Unione e violiamo il diritto europeo e internazionale. I soli regolamenti su cui insiste il Consiglio sono quelli securitari, guardia di frontiera, rimpatri, che esternalizzano gli obblighi di asilo. Gli altri fascicoli, qualifiche, reinsediamenti sono fermi da un anno. Il risultato, eccolo: litigi tra Stati membri, criminalizzazione della ricerca e salvataggio, accordi ad hoc tra Stati UE per aggirare perfino le norme di Dublino 3, consegna di migranti ai lager libici, Presidente, sono campi di morte.

Ha ragione il commissario Avramopoulos, now is the time. But, Mr Lamberts, does this include those migrants getting into dinghies in France in order to cross the English Channel? What are they fleeing from? What is the living hell in France that they are fleeing from? They are not asylum seekers, are they? These are migrants, and the problem we have is that we are conflating the issue; we are reforming the EU asylum and migration policy, but until we deal with migration policy, we cannot truly deal with asylum.

We need to have a very strict ability to decide on exactly how many people come into Europe so that our local authorities can ensure that there are enough houses for these people, enough jobs for these people, enough schools and doctors and teachers. Can we get our house in order? Reform means to improve. We are not improving anything. Mario Borghezio ENF. L'Italia ne ha le scatole piene di dover subire i risultati negativi delle politiche sbagliate. Bisogna bloccare gli sbarchi per bloccare i traffici, bloccare gli sbarchi e allora poi rivedere le regole anche di Steven Woolfe NI.

The EU policy has turned commercial shipping and coastguards in the Mediterranean into a taxi service for criminal gangs dealing in human beings. The EU is colluding in human misery and criminal money. If the EU were to insist that all asylum applications must be processed in countries outside of the EU, this would cut the deadly traffic immediately. EU policy is therefore resulting in death and human trafficking. It is encouraging the slave markets in North Africa. It has resulted in migrants being shipped into the EU for forced labour.

The hope for Europe now lies in national leaders to protect our ancient nations from themselves. Borders belong to nations. Sparare direttamente sui barconi? E chi ci assicura che non succeda di nuovo domani? E agli ipocriti, come il collega Borghezio, chiedo con che faccia oggi si lamenti dei mancati ricollocamenti, visto che in quest'Aula avete votato contro e che sulla riforma di Dublino vi siete astenuti.

Proteste fuori microfono da parte di Mario Borghezio. Kristina Winberg ECR. Verklig solidaritet kan inte reformeras! Thank you for your support. No se le permite ir a rescatar vidas con un argumento alucinante: que si los Estados no cumplen sus obligaciones del Derecho internacional, no debe hacerlo un buque como Open Arms. Son migrantes, pero, sobre todo, son pobres.

Gilles Lebreton ENF. Carlos Coelho PPE. O Conselho vai finalmente respeitar e ouvir este Parlamento? Les fuerzan a echarse al mar en manos de las mafias, porque no hay otra forma de llegar. That is the question everyone needs to answer today. So we have a window of three months, in that window an opportunity must be taken.

We have three months. Dieser Beschluss beinhaltet genau die solidarische Verteilung, von der immer geredet wird. Lukas Mandl PPE. Dobbiamo salvarli e portarli nel primo porto sicuro. Dobbiamo anche avere e chiedere un diritto all'attracco e allo sbarco immediato. Ai vari governi chiedo di abbandonare ogni demagogia e di fare e di deliberare secondo i trattati, ma anche secondo i due global compact recentemente adottati dalle Nazioni Unite.

We moeten tonen aan de Europese burgers dat we problemen kunnen aanpakken en dus vragen wij hier vanuit het Europees Parlement een heel doeltreffend asielbeleid. Mevrouw Stevens, nee, de liberale fractie en Guy Verhofstadt, wij pleiten niet voor een opengrenzenbeleid. Wij staan voor solidariteit en verantwoordelijkheid tussen de lidstaten. Wij staan voor een snellere afhandeling, voor een bescherming van de kinderen in migratie. Wij staan voor de aanpak van de mensensmokkelaars, voor een hervorming van Dublin.

We weten allemaal dat lidstaten dit niet alleen aankunnen. Alleen de Europese Unie kan asiel en migratie aanpakken en degene die anders beweren met valse cijfers en de mensen angst aanjagen, die zouden beschaamd moeten zijn. Ik vraag aan de Europese Raad en de Commissie politieke daadkracht. Het pakket lichter, doe het nu gewoon.

Otra estrategia es aislar la extrema derecha, como ha ocurrido en Suecia. I apologise to everyone else who wanted to contribute to the debate, but time has run out. Just before you speak — Ms Gomes, indeed you were among the first, but I do apologise — I am under strict instruction. Frankly, if this were my decision — this is a really important debate — I would give it more time, but I am under pressure from what is already agreed by those who are above my pay grade.

We shall not spare any efforts. The Commission, and I personally, remain fully committed to continue working with you and the Council to achieve this very important goal: the reform of the European asylum system. I would like to thank you for this clear and loud support. We will continue to work together intensively to achieve the completion of our comprehensive work. I have taken note of your remarks.

One should never forget that, in the area of migration, all our actions are interconnected and all the pieces have to fit together. We all agree that cooperation with third countries is key, not only to prevent irregular departures to Europe, but also to eliminate once and for all the cruel businesses run by traffickers and smugglers. Partnership and enhanced cooperation with African partner countries is at the heart of our work.

It is also essential to ensure that all coastal states in the Mediterranean are able and ready to comply with their obligations under international law regarding search and rescue. A crucial element, therefore, is also our work on return, both with countries of origin and within the European Union. Last but not least, we need to continue our actions to strengthen and better manage our common external borders. This is what our Member States have asked for, and we have delivered. That is why we also need to advance those proposals on which we are ready or almost ready.

We have to be ready for the future — an unpredictable future. We simply can no longer afford these types of unorganised ad hoc solutions. Now is the time to put words into action. Our citizens expect a lot from us, and they count on us. The Presidency is working with the Commission and Member States to find an arrangement that ensures predictability, in accordance with the international law of the sea concerning disembarkation, and enables efficient asylum and return procedures.

The Romanian Presidency will therefore take the work forward on this basis. Over the course of several presidencies, intensive efforts have been put into an attempt to find a solution acceptable for all. Different concepts were tested; however, it has not been possible to agree on a compromise. As already explained, it has been clear that the agreement has to be built around the different aspects of the comprehensive approach, and this is the avenue that the Romanian Presidency intends to follow.

As I said previously, we are working to find an arrangement that brings predictability, in accordance with the international law of the sea concerning disembarkation, and enables efficient asylum and return procedures. I welcome the solution found last week on the two NGO ships, with the support of the Commission in liaison with the Member States. It is of the utmost importance that we succeed quickly, even if only with a temporary solution. The EU as a whole — not to mention the migrants themselves — does not deserve to see this situation remain unresolved.

At the same time, we will continue working on reforming the common European asylum system that will bring about a permanent solution to address the situation in the future. I remain confident that, thanks to all of our efforts, we can make an important step forward toward these goals. Written statements Rule Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo.

Una soluzione dunque eccezionale. Confrontando i dati del con quelli del emerge una forte riduzione dei richiedenti asilo in prima istanza e un crollo degli arrivi. Dobbiamo arrivare il prima possibile ad una vera riforma del Regolamento di Dublino, unica strada per uscire dalla crisi attuale. Valeram-nos as ONG que persistem em salvar vidas. O Parlamento fez o seu trabalho. It pains me to see the ineptness and rigidness of the current EU rules, when all we have been fighting for in the last few years was a European solution to the migration crisis.

But it hurts much worse to see people deceivingly attacking my country, when Malta has done more than most EU countries have done in the last 10 years. When, Malta has taken in, per capita, more than any other EU country. And when Malta has successfully helped to conclude the ad hoc agreement for the quick and safe relocation of the 49 migrants. We cannot expect that every time Salvini decides to blackmail the European Union and the Member States, then Malta will take the burden and the responsibility for the whole of the EU.

But please, do not let people suffer any longer and provide us with a sustainable European solution to share the responsibility among all Member States. Ze moeten de resultaten van het beleid aantonen. De budgetten voor migratie stijgen jaar na jaar. Enkel de hervestigingscijfers vallen tegen, maar daar is geen regering ooit over — of voor — gevallen. Allemaal prima. Alleen gaat het in ons leven in essentie niet over cijfers, of toch niet wezenlijk.

Het geeft ons geen warm huis om naar terug te keren. We voelen ons niet veiliger op straat. Op het einde van de rit wordt onze baan niet beter beschermd. De migratiecrisis van vandaag is geen crisis van cijfers, maar een crisis van vertrouwen. Geen voortgangsverslag, terugkeerakkoord of ontschepingscentrum dat dat oplost. Als het aan het Europees Parlement lag, dan kwam de commissaris vandaag vertellen dat het nooit meer zal gebeuren.

Dat er een plan klaarligt dat ervoor zorgt dat een dorpje met inwoners nooit meer onbegeleide kinderen alleen zal moeten opvangen, omdat er 26 andere lidstaten klaar zullen staan. Prima di dare la parola al cancelliere Sebastian Kurz, voglio ringraziare la Presidenza austriaca per la fattiva collaborazione con il Parlamento europeo. Ringrazio anche i rappresentanti del governo austriaco che hanno partecipato alle sedute di questo Parlamento e naturalmente anche la rappresentanza di Vienna a Bruxelles. Concludo il ringraziamento e do subito la parola al cancelliere Kurz.

Dank des Einsatzes vieler im Parlament, im Rat und in der Kommission, vor allem aber auch, weil es bei allen Beteiligten den Willen zu Kompromissen gab. Nachdem jeder Vorsitz nur ein Glied in einer Kette ist, darf ich mich ganz herzlich auch bei unseren Trio-Partnern Estland und Bulgarien bedanken.

Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Aufgrund des aktuellen Anlasses, aber vor allem auch aufgrund der Dimension, erlauben Sie mir vielleicht, mit dem Brexit und den damit verbundenen Herausforderungen zu beginnen. Zum ersten Bereich, zur Sicherheit und Migrationspolitik: Es ist uns hier trotz der Blockade in der Verteilungsfrage gelungen, einen Fortschritt bei der Zusammenarbeit mit Drittstaaten zu erzielen.

Im Dezember sind Schlussfolgerungen des Rates zu diesem Themenbereich angenommen worden. It is very important for this Parliament to defend freedom of religion and dialogue between religions. Thank you very much for your work in this direction. We will in this Parliament commemorate the Holocaust in the coming days. Es ergibt wenig Sinn, dass ich hier wiederhole, was der Bundeskanzler vorgetragen hat. Ich habe das nicht verstanden, ich kann es bis heute nicht nachvollziehen, wieso das passieren konnte. Das war kein einfacher Job.

Alle verlangen von uns, dass wir mehr in Sachen Grenzschutz tun. Wir tun etwas, wir schlagen gemeinsam mit dem Bundeskanzler etwas vor, und jetzt finden Absetzbewegungen statt. Ich kann das nur brandmarken. Auch die Arbeitnehmer haben Recht auf Schutz. Vielen Dank und servus.

Es ist schade, dass das so ist. Das ist beachtlich. Deswegen: Gratulation dazu! Diese Schwerpunktsetzung hat Europa gutgetan. Die Grundbotschaft dahinter ist: Nie wieder! Es wurde enorm viel erreicht. Gratulation dazu! But we can see that the Austrian Presidency was delivering more of another kind of Europe: a Europe of fears, retrenchment and a certain kind of selfishness. We regret this, because we need a strong Europe with strong ambition — so strong and so ambitious that we can provide the necessary solidarity. This started with the refugee drama.

We could have delivered quick, swift operations of rescuing and providing asylum. But we were confronted with several dramatic scenes in the Mediterranean, and we deplored this. Europe needs to define a fully-fledged migration policy to ensure the orderly, organised management of migration — because we do need migration. Instead, we were blocking some of the key pieces of this migration policy. Then we had the episode of the Global Compact for Migration, which we very much deplore. This was endorsed by most of the countries in the world, and we saw in Marrakesh some of the Member States of the European Union not endorsing it, led by the Austrian Government — something we again deplore and something we just cannot understand.

But this lack of ambition and solidarity also has connected with our citizens. Let us take the European Social Pillar — the biggest initiative we have. The Austrian Presidency could have delivered more quickly on the full package of directives and regulations which are necessary to implement the social pillar. We could not understand how it was even possible for the Austrian Presidency to postpone a meeting of the Council of Ministers. We are in a hurry, Chancellor, to implement this pillar in order to turn this into reality.

And then we have the important negotiations on the multiannual budget. Yes, this is necessary to meet the new challenges in Europe and also to keep a strong commitment to cohesion. We were really disappointed that, in the last European Council, it was decided that the final agreement should take place only in autumn.

This is too late. A lot of regions will suffer from this. Then we had another opportunity on eurozone reform — something on which we have been waiting for years and years. The solutions are on the table. We might be close to an agreement enabling us to complete the banking union and to create the budget for the eurozone, something all monetary zones in the world have — they have a budget.

But again, the Austrian Presidency was hesitating over this. This is a crucial piece to reset cohesion inside the eurozone and to overcome the divergences we have in this important area of European construction. Then tax fairness. Yes, we do need a new digital tax and we need to deliver this in a much quicker way. I must tell you, Chancellor, that from our viewpoint, the Austrian Presidency missed some key opportunities to deliver a stronger Europe, which we need in this particular occasion, because we are confronted with a new movement of ideas, calling for retrenchment, selfishness, a far right movement.

In the face of this, we basically have a choice: either we make an alliance with them and make concessions to them, or we present a real fully-fledged alternative — a strong Europe, ambitious and able to provide solidarity. So this is the way to go for us Social Democrats, and we really think that we need to move to a new phase where this new kind of leadership emerges in Europe. So these are our remarks, Chancellor. Let me do just a little cherry picking to pick up just a few of them. I will start of course with migration and security. I have to tell you that it was really refreshing to see a slightly different point of view from the Presidency and the Chancellery than we have heard many times before.

You indicated very clearly what many other politicians were hesitant to say, namely that Europe is neither ready nor willing to accept continuous waves of migrants, as it would have an impact on both our security and the internal coherence of our societies. You also came forward with proposals and solutions.

I can assure you your message was heard and appreciated, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe and in the V4 countries. Again it was proven how important it is to find a consensus between the Member States instead of arbitrary solutions, like the very unfortunate relocation scheme pursued by the Commission, which unfortunately caused one of the most serious clashes yet between East and West and between new and old EU Member States.

I hope that is definitely off the table. You also made it one of your priorities to ensure the prosperity and competitiveness of the European economy, especially through digitalisation and innovation, and you were right. While we have a well—established and functioning start-up culture, the biggest players often come from outside the European Union. We need to do more for start-ups and for small and medium-sized enterprises. In this respect, we need to remove trade barriers. I would also like to congratulate you on the swift ratification of the Free Trade Agreement with Japan, which happened during your Presidency.

I hope that other similar treaties still in the pipeline — most notably with Singapore and Vietnam — will follow soon. Last but not least, the Multiannual Financial Framework negotiations continued under your Presidency. They are not over yet, and that is good news, because this Parliament and this Commission are finishing their mandate, and therefore they should not decide on behalf of the Member States or Commissioners of the next term.

External relations were also a big burden for you. I will not go further into that, but I will end by stating that the Austrian Presidency was pragmatic, non-ideological and not a Presidency of big slogans, but rather of achievable results. This is good news. It was good to see common sense once again prevailing in most of your endeavours, because common sense is exactly what my own group is trying to pursue in this Parliament.

So I will spare you by only saying that I think that that was an efficient Presidency and Austria did deliver as a Presidency on its intentions. But I rather look at always every six-months period of time, not as a Presidency issue but how did the European Union really do, and how have we advanced, regardless of the Presidency? And I think that this needs to be said. This is still a European Union of 28 — maybe tomorrow 27 — Member States where the Presidency has a key role to play, but obviously it cannot perform miracles, but it can help a great deal.

But if you speak of the number of trilogues, I agree with you: I think this is again a sign of an efficient Austrian Presidency. Together with the rapporteur Angelika Niebler, we dealt with cyber security. I think the result is not bad at all. We still look at cyber security as an issue where we tack between those who would like to prevail in terms of competences and the rest, and we are as strong or as weak as the weakest part of the chain of the European Union. So that is just one example where I would like to say the numbers matter and you have been efficient, but it also matters what kind of legislation we are able to enact, how the Member States are ready and, of course, how we manage to strike compromises with real ambition.

Historia de Estados Unidos (1945-64)

And the answer is clear: I still would go to Silicon Valley. Let me just focus on two or three issues where I think we could have done better, for sure, and maybe that history will show also the Presidency. One is on internal security. And we are not facing today a crisis, we are facing a problem, and the moment the crisis would come, we could have significant difficulties on the budget.

And I think that again, there is enormous progress — you have ticked all the boxes; the question is: how well were these boxes filled? No, I think we have been elected or appointed for the whole term. I think that this is not realistic. But anyway, at the very end, I think with those remarks I think that you have done a very good job, but we as the European Union are not yet doing the job that our citizens really expect us to do, and we do fail on some issues. Viele Gesetzgesetzgebungsvorhaben sind nicht vorangekommen, sind im Rat stecken geblieben.

Endlich haben wir eine Anstrengung von so vielen Staaten dieser Welt, um das Thema anzugehen. Sie hat pragmatisch und korrekt und kooperativ gearbeitet, aber sie hat die Zentralisierung nicht vorangetrieben. Es bleibt mir nicht mehr viel zu sagen. Das bedeutet, dass es durchaus legitim ist, in Sachfragen unterschiedlicher Meinung zu sein, auch zwischen den Fraktionen unterschiedliche Positionen zu vertreten. Barbara Kappel ENF , schriftlich. Signori deputati, gentili ospiti, oggi celebriamo l'anniversario dei vent'anni della nostra moneta.

Secondo l'ultimo sondaggio di Eurobarometro, tre europei su quattro danno un giudizio positivo sulla moneta unica. Tuttavia, la crisi ha anche evidenziato il mancato completamento dell'edificio dell'euro ed alcuni errori compiuti nella gestione del problema dei debiti sovrani. Non possiamo rimanere in mezzo al guado, dove rischiamo di essere travolti da una nuova crisi.

Je vous en prie. I have the memory of my predecessor, Wim Duisenberg, who was there at the very start of the euro. I also have the memory of all the presentations before the European Parliament from to There have always been, as there are today, challenging — not to say very challenging — times for Europe. From that standpoint, I would like to stress four successes of the euro. First, it is a success in terms of currency credibility and stability. The ECB was given the primary mandate of price stability by the open democracies.

The domestic stability of the euro is echoed by its international credibility. The euro is the second international currency after the dollar, far above the third, the yen. Second, the euro and the euro area have proved to be remarkably resilient in the face of the worst financial and economic crisis since World War II. At the inception of the euro, a significant global analysis suggested that the single currency would be short—lived as an audacious experience deserving respect for its boldness but incapable of sustaining the difficulty of hard times.

Regarding the fourth success of the euro, I would refer to the last IMF Data Mapper, which suggests that there is no significant difference between per capita growth in the euro area and in the US. The same is demonstrated by the World Bank data: approximately the same growth per capita in the US and in Europe since the setting-up of the euro in I also think that the euro, as I said, is a process, not an event.

One should not underestimate the decisions made since its inception, the reinforcement of the Stability and Growth Pact, the ratification of the Fiscal Stability Treaty, the setting-up of the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure, the ratification of the European Stability Mechanism Treaty, and last, but not least, banking union. During the whole of my term, I can testify that, in my hearings before the European Parliament, I benefited from the strongest and most important moral support when we had to preserve price stability and engage at the same time on very bold non-conventional measures, including the purchase of treasury bonds from a number of countries in and before the decision taken by the ECB under the chairmanship of Mario.

The twin messages that I received from the European Parliament were: be faithful to your mandate and deliver price stability; be innovative and bold enough, when necessary, to be commensurate with your responsibilities in times of exceptional crisis. Expressing my gratitude to the European Parliament, I cannot help but mentioning that I looked at the Eurobarometer and I could see that the trust in the European Parliament bestowed on it by the fellow citizens is important, superior of course to the non-trust fellow citizen, and it is better result than what we see for the national parliaments.

I mention that very cautiously en passant. Jean Monnet once wrote:. The euro is the most tangible representation of European integration that our citizens encounter on a daily basis. It is fitting, then, to celebrate this anniversary here with the directly elected representatives of all our citizens. Over the years here, elected representatives and leaders and elected representatives in other parliaments have rightly recognised that ensuring economic prosperity and stability over the long term is a shared challenge that is best faced collectively. We are stronger together.

With the Single Market, we have a powerful engine of sustainable growth to underpin our living standards. The euro has safeguarded the integrity of the Single Market. Today, our economies are integrated to a point that was not imaginable when the euro was designed. The euro has also produced two decades of price stability, including in countries where this was a long-lost memory. Based on such confidence, firms invest and create new jobs. Today, most challenges are global and can only be addressed together. It is precisely in this sense that the single currency has given to all members of the euro area their monetary policy sovereignty, compared with the pre—existing monetary arrangements.

It is together that we have a voice — and we had a voice — in the regulation of international financial markets, a voice which has been fundamental in reshaping the world financial regulation after the great financial crisis. Partly, this is because reforms at national level are necessary — and by the way, they would be so under any monetary system — to produce sustainable growth; partly, it is because the Economic and Monetary Union EMU remains incomplete.

Great progress has been achieved since the crisis struck, but more work still needs to be done; and there is no alternative to a future where we will all continue to work together to make our Economic and Monetary Union an even stronger engine of prosperity for all its Member States. The European Parliament has had and will have a fundamental role in guiding and designing our European future.

In the past, together with the EU leaders, the European Parliament took the fundamental decisions to create the Single Market, and in its wake, the euro. Today, we are all reaping the benefits of their commitment, of your commitment, and we want future generations of Europeans to benefit similarly from our commitment as well.

Today, our duty is to complete what was started two decades ago. Il y a des faiblesses. Bleiben wir bitte ihrem Erbe treu! The euro is one of the greatest achievements in the history of European integration. Our single currency provides a solid anchor for the creation of jobs and growth across Europe. The euro has become a symbol of the European identity. It became a popular idea among million people in 19 euro-area countries as it enjoys greater support today than ever before.

Many predicted a spectacular failure of the euro, but we proved them wrong. Not all of the past 20 years have indeed been easy. The financial and sovereign debt crises have put the single currency to the test. Shortcomings in the architecture of the Economic and Monetary Union came to the surface. The establishment of the European Stability Mechanism and the banking union has strengthened economic policy coordination, which illustrates precisely this point. Today the euro area is enjoying a broad-based economic expansion, which started in The outlook is positive.

Despite some loss of momentum and some downside risks that have been accumulating. Steady job creation has allowed increasingly more people to benefit from this expansion. The health of public finances and of the banking sector has also been improving. Much has been achieved during these 20 years. Nevertheless, more is needed to ensure that the euro area is well equipped to handle future crises. The Eurogroup has been doing its part.

Its work paved the way for an agreement at the December Euro Summit on strengthening our single currency. This was the single biggest reform of the euro performed outside the crisis context. The agreement will allow for a more effective and broader use of the European Stability Mechanism and make our system of bank resolution more credible. Importantly, leaders also agreed to establish a euro area budgetary instrument for convergence and competitiveness.

I believe this project can, in time, go a long way towards making the euro stable and inclusive. The work on this file is our priority in the months ahead, but the Eurogroup will continue working on other important issues, such as the European Deposit Insurance Scheme and liquidity in resolution. Step by step, we are increasing the resilience and the smooth functioning of the currency union.

Euro area countries and their citizens will thus be in a better position to reap the benefits of the single currency for the next 20 years and beyond. We cannot repeat it often enough that the euro is not — and never was — an end in itself. It is a tool, intended to increase the prosperity of the peoples of Europe. It is our responsibility to ensure that it lives up to its promise, and even more so in these uncertain times.

It is our task to generate a more prosperous society, a more inclusive society, a society with less inequality within each Member State and between our Member States. Thank you for your attention. Since its design, the euro has been a powerful economic tool and an ambitious political project. First, the single currency is an indispensable complement to the Single Market, which has made possible its deepening and has boosted the integration of value chains and the strength of our economies.

Second, as President Draghi has just recalled, the euro is a prerequisite for preserving and recovering shared monetary sovereignty, after the crisis of the Bretton Woods order and the development of globalisation, and this is particularly true for the more vulnerable Member States. Third, the euro is a cornerstone of a peaceful and closer union and a global actor after the end of the Cold War and German unification. In other words, a strong euro is a fundamental condition for protecting and relaunching the European economic, social and political model, faced with the transformations of our time.

Ten years ago, when we were celebrating the euro in this House, the financial crisis was about to shake its foundations. That crisis has provided us with two lessons. The first is that, despite being incomplete, the strength and resilience of the euro are rooted in the common political determination to preserve its integrity. Here, the resolve of the European Central Bank and of its presidents has been decisive, and the euro has protected the people during the crisis. We should, of course, be able to distinguish between the euro and the economic policies conducted during the crisis, including some economic policy mistakes which were made at that time.

The second lesson is that, if we want to achieve our ambitious goals, resilience is not enough. We need to complement our common currency with a robust, democratic economic and social union. Let us not wait until another crisis happens to develop the necessary tools to ensure stability and common prosperity for all our citizens. The euro is a journey, and it is time to move forward. I am sure that this and the next Parliament will fully play their part. Un ricordo, e voglio anche dirgli, caro Erminio, tu muori ma le nostre idee non muoiono. Bruno Gollnisch NI. She was arrested one year ago for condemning Turkish invasion of Afrin.

For the results and other details of the vote: see Minutes. Andreas Schwab, deputising for the rapporteur. The request to refer the report back to committee was approved. Maria Grapini, raportor. Last week, I had the pleasure of visiting Mill Brook in Bedfordshire, in my constituency.

They have invested in 5G mobile test infrastructure to supercharge the development of connected and autonomous vehicles. The vision for the technological future is one where we all sit back and relax in cars that drive us safely and efficiently to our destinations. No collisions, no traffic jams. To become a reality, of course, there will need to be car-to-car and car-to-everything-around-them communications and crucially, all cars really need to be speaking the same language.

So, if industry-wide standards cannot be agreed by industry then the EU must step in. I therefore particularly welcome the call on the Commission to propose a regulatory framework to promote V2X connectivity for highly and fully automated vehicles.

Surgen nuevas líneas de falla

Morten Messerschmidt ECR. The three pillars of work needing to happen around the legal framework are the financial support for developing technologies and the socio-economic implications of driverless. The arguments around liability are now familiar and the ability to adapt technologies to local driving cultures are entirely feasible. The clear desire on the part of technology firms like Google, Uber and Amazon to dispense with those inconvenient and unpredictable human beings has social implications that are both wide and deep.

However, there is a fourth pillar, and that is public acceptance of autonomous vehicles. The traveling public is perfectly willing to accept the notion of autonomous vehicles with a human safety override on passenger aircraft as a matter of routine, but the car is a symbol of personal freedom and status, and it is powerful and it is cherished.

So politicians are sooner or later going to have to answer the question: in the future will I still be able to drive my own car wherever I want to drive it? Adam Szejnfeld PPE. Deirdre Clune PPE. Safety and privacy of data is one of them and, of course, safety of individuals. The technical standards of vehicles and infrastructure need to be addressed. We need responsibilities of the operators to come into play. Who is liable and what are the ethical questions around it? Daniel Hannan ECR. Now, as autonomous vehicles become a reality, an awful lot of jobs are going to be lost in that sector, and of course that has led to some concerns in this House, which we have heard.

Where, after all, if we look around today are all the unemployed ex-video rental employees or secretaries or archivists or travel agents? Technology is constantly changing the way we work, and yet more people in most of our countries are in employment than at any time in our history. Look around; look around at how lucky we are to be alive right now. The use of drones for the transport of goods and automated light rail systems for public transport are already a possibility, and entry into the European market of passenger cars with automated driving functions is imminent.

Therefore, we need to get ready, and we also need to do a lot more research. I look forward to that being done, especially in the next Horizon programme. Therefore it is a technology that is going to move us forward and we better move quickly. For intet er sket. Od dekad tworzymy jednolity rynek zjednoczonej Europy.

Men nej. Det er pinligt. Urszula Krupa ECR. If gender equality does not exist within our own institution, how can we possibly ensure gender equality in the broader society? I certainly welcome achievements made over the past two years as outlined in this report, and I believe now — before the European elections — is the perfect time to look at where we can improve into the next mandate. One of the most notable actions taken by Parliament recently was to introduce a training programme specifically for MEPs on these issues. I personally completed the training and I found it very worthwhile.

I think this training is extremely important and I would urge all colleagues to attend. It certainly brought out for me the need to ensure that gender equality is always at the forefront in all we do in the European Parliament. Niestety tak nie jest. Marek Jurek ECR. To symplicyzm. To populistyczna teza. To po prostu nieprawda. Yet, we are living in a society blighted by period poverty and period stigma. Plan International UK found that one in ten young women were unable to afford tampons and pads, leading to some girls missing out on school.

Just as it is for loo roll in toilets, so let it be for pads and tampons, too. No i co z tego? Andrus Ansip, Vice-President of the Commission. Romania, just like my own country, Estonia, and many others in Europe, celebrated its th anniversary last year. It was a time for us all to remember the past, but also to look at how far we have come in that time, and Romania has come a long way. It is now in its rightful place at the heart of Europe, and there is no better symbol of that progress than this Presidency because, over the next six months, Romania will lead the Council of Ministers through a momentous time for our Union.

I was in Bucharest last week, along with all my colleagues from the Commission, to see first-hand the good level of preparations, as well as the enthusiasm for the task ahead. But with a Presidency always comes responsibility, even more so during periods of change and campaigns. As President Juncker has said many times, the Commission is at your disposal and is ready to support you every step of the way. We will work hand in hand with all of the institutions and parties involved to make sure that the next six months are productive, successful and a further factor of unity and solidarity.

But, just as you can count on us, we also count on you. We count on your leadership and stability, and we count on your ability to build bridges and build consensus both in Europe and at home. I say that because any successful Presidency depends, first and foremost, on national unity and political consensus.

A united front at home will help a united Europe move forward. Romania knows the power of unity better than most. When preparing to enter the Union, the whole country worked in unison to make sure that it fulfilled all of its accession criteria. This was not a box-ticking exercise. It was the result of a country pulling together, uniting behind the goal of consolidating its young democracy in a union of solidarity and common values. These values — freedom, democracy and the rule of law — are what the country fought for, and these are the values that can never be compromised or weakened anywhere in Europe.

We must all show that in the next six months and beyond. I started by saying that with the Presidency comes the responsibility to deliver for all Europeans. It will be harder than usual: there are proposals presented by the Commission that still need to be agreed by the co-legislators, and there will only be a short period of time to get as many as possible of them over the line before this House rises on 18 April for the start of the election campaign.

Many of these proposals go right to the heart of what matters, from Brexit preparedness to migration and asylum rules. In my area, the digital single market, seven of the 30 proposals we have made still need to be agreed. These cover issues that make a real difference in the lives of Europeans. It is about making it easier to buy and sell online across borders, about ensuring that we have rights to ePrivacy and can protect ourselves from cyber-attacks, and about having corporate rules fit for the 21st century.

The stakes are high in the digital world and across the world. This is particularly true when it comes to making real progress on the next long—term budget for the European Union. This is not about numbers or decimal points. It is about deciding what kind of Union we want tomorrow. It is our future in figures. The debate on the budget is about showing Europeans that our Union is ready to take its destiny into its own hands. When leaders meet in Sibiu on 9 May, we should show Europeans a perspective for the future of a stronger, more united and more sovereign Union.

There would be no better message to Europeans going to the polls just a few weeks later. I think, in particular, of those who will be voting for the first time. Whether they be in the East or the West, the North or the South, these young people have a lot in common. They are looking for hope, for a brighter more certain future for themselves, and they are looking for a union that breathes with both of its lungs — East and West — and unites people from different parts of Europe.

We must reach out to them and show them that their Union will deliver for them. That is the task ahead of this Romanian Presidency and we are all behind you to make it happen. Congratulations on the start of this first Romanian Presidency. We honour a lot your personal commitment to the European Union.

As a former colleague, we experienced you as a very committed European and we see a basis for a very, very good collaboration with this Presidency, given the tasks you mentioned ahead of us and given the serious situation in many, many policy areas. I listened to your speech with interest and yes, you are right, social cohesion, regional cohesion, is a decisive, crosscutting issue, and your idea of organising a new mode of European convergence is very much at the core of what we have to talk about. The last hours of this day demonstrate how serious the situation is in London and how much work has to be done, whatever the decision is going to be tonight.

The international financial markets, the tax questions — all of that we have to tackle, we have to re-fix, and the migration question is one of the most important ones. Here, let me praise you, let me honour you, because you decided in the Christmas period to join the camp of those who would like to help in the Mediterranean, to help to save lives and not to turn a blind eye on what is going to happen or join the club of those who only celebrate their ignorance.

Ja, es gibt Dinge, die uns Sorgen machen. Davon raten wir Ihnen heftig ab, das ist keine Grundlage. Und Europa wird mit Ihnen sein, wenn Sie das tun. Das ist der falsche Umgang mit der politischen Diskussion in Europa. Zes maanden is een korte periode om te debatteren en te onderhandelen. Het zal er dus op aankomen om de neuzen in dezelfde richting te krijgen, tezamen met de twee toekomstige voorzitters. Voor het Roemeense voorzitterschap is Europese uitbreiding alvast prioriteit. Voor het eerst sinds vele jaren spreekt de Unie sinds opnieuw de ambitie uit om uit te breiden.

Als ze de nodige hervormingen doorvoeren, mogen zes landen uit de Westelijke Balkan erbij tegen Maar het beste stelt de EU eerst intern orde op zaken. Ik verwijs niet in de laatste plaats naar brexit en de groeiende onvrede bij Europese burgers over het gevoerde migratiebeleid van open grenzen. Voor ons heeft de aanpak van de illegale migratie inderdaad prioriteit. Ik bepleit een omschakeling naar het Australische model, om illegale binnenkomsten te ontmoedigen.

Ik hoop dat u het daarmee eens bent en dat het zijn weerslag zal vinden in onderhandelingen over het EU-asielacquis. There is a lot on your plate. I was in Bucharest together with a number of colleagues here. I have to tell you, there are many things in the European Union that are a question of subsidiarity, but that is certainly not true for the rule of law. That is not subsidiarity in the European Union. Moreover, he agreed with me that the Venice Commission would have a second opinion once the change is made to these proposals.

These proposals — on the restoring of the independence of the judiciary, on the repairing of the Criminal Code, on the repairing of the Criminal Procedural Code and on the changing of NGO law — will be sent back to the Venice Commission. I have to tell you, very honestly, that since we met each other, with Mr Bullmann and others in Bucharest, not one of these promises has been kept. I ask you, is the following true? I read in the press that you have a plan to approve a law to grant amnesty on corruption, so that means putting the big fish out of reach of the courts.

So let me tell you one simple thing in this debate: if this were to be confirmed, my Group in any case, and the whole liberal family, will not go into elections with such partners. We want to side with all new clean and democratic forces who want to stop corruption, clean up the country and are also anti abuse of power by the old secret service. That is not criticism of your country or of Romanian citizens. It is criticism of a number of practices of your political majority for the moment, and I think I can be critical of these practices as I am an honorary citizen of the Romanian Republic.

I was bestowed that honour in after I defended in the European Council — and nobody asked me to do so — the interests of Romania in the Treaty of Nice. The other Member States had the beautiful idea of lowering the voting rights of Romania because it is only an Eastern European country, which which was pure discrimination towards them. Finally, we succeeded in obtaining the right thing for the Romanian Republic, the same voting rights as the other Member States.

Pick up this fight. Be the real Prime Minister of your country. Clean up the mess of the past and do that without compromising with the corrupt forces of the present. A Presidency is always a time for a country to shine, to show off its skills in diplomacy, its skill in finding compromises, achieving progress, impressing everyone with the opportunities and skills that you have as a government and as a country. The Presidency is a vital job in our institutional relations and for moving Europe forward.

However, a Presidency is also always a time when a country is put into the limelight, and what we discover there when looking at the Romanian Government gives us reasons for concern. Romania has a long tradition of fighting for freedom and for civil liberties, and the people of Romania overthrew a dictatorship after enduring it for 42 years. Romania has joined the European Union and has made important progress, especially against the evil of corruption. Those are achievements that the people of Romania can be proud of; we all should be very proud of those achievements. The government is even planning to reduce the rights to protest against that law change or others.

A Presidency must lead by good example and with credibility. You still have time to become that good example that we need in Europe, but the clock is certainly ticking. The half year of your Presidency will be quite eventful. We have Brexit coming up — or not — and the EU elections, of course. However, for the summit to be really helpful, it also needs to include some of the most burning issues that we have in Europe, that we need to solve.

For example, how are we going to stop climate change? How are we going to manage the transition to a carbon—free economy? How do we make social rights for people a reality rather than just nice words? How will the EU respond to the backlash against the rule of law in several Member States? We wish you a lot of success with all those things on your plate and we hope to be positively surprised. Europa turi keistis.

Wir werden sehen. Al doilea subiect foarte important: vorbesc de coeziune. I jeste li vi stali u obranu vladavine prava? So this will be a very important presidency, and let me focus particularly on the Sibiu summit, because the Sibiu summit is our last opportunity to project another kind of Europe for all citizens across Europe before the European elections. We think that you are coming up with the right priorities.

In order to have strong unity among Europeans cohesion is certainly the key word — as you said: economic, social, political cohesion. We are with you in this central priority and you can turn this into something very concrete. The first thing is a social pillar translated into European law and powerful European financial instruments. The second thing is a pre-agreement on the multiannual budget, on which cohesion is a central concern, both for all EU Member States and the eurozone. Fruitful negotiations have taken place between the Council and the European Parliament, which resulted in substantial progress on five of the seven proposals.

The Romanian Presidency stands ready to continue these efforts in order to make progress where possible. For other important legislative files, like the Schengen Borders Code, the Visa Code and the Immigration Liaison Officers Regulation, the Presidency hopes to conclude the ongoing trilogues with Parliament before the elections. Regarding the reform of the European Border and Coast Guard, both co—legislators are putting a lot of effort into reaching a position which will allow them to start interinstitutional negotiations.

However, there are still significant disagreements between Member States on some major issues of the asylum reform, in particular the Dublin Regulation. While all Member States agree on the importance of striking the right balance between responsibility and solidarity, it has so far proved impossible to find a compromise on the concrete elements of that balance. It has been argued that enhancing the responsibilities of Member States should be compensated by a predictable system which is capable of providing relief to frontline Member States faced with a crisis.

Striking the right balance is not only about finding the right formula for the distribution mechanism. Solidarity can be expressed in different ways. The complexity of the situation is demonstrated by the fact that, notwithstanding the important decrease in the number of arrivals, there is still a high number of asylum applications, a big proportion of which are lodged in countries other than the frontline Member States.

This shows that there are significant secondary movements which will need to be tackled if we want to come to a structural solution for the issue at stake. You may have the floor at a later time protests from the left This is a difficult issue so we will try and have an important and strong debate on this critical issue. Dimitris Avramopoulos, Member of the Commission. However, while the context has changed and irregular migrant arrivals have dropped drastically, certain political attitudes have unfortunately not changed and so we find ourselves here again.

First of all, let me state that I am relieved that a solution has been found that allowed all the migrants on board the two NGO vessels to disembark in Malta. It is even more shameful to think that this happened during the Christmas period. The European Union is about human values and solidarity and we are all determined to uphold these values. But if human values and solidarity are not upheld, it is not Europe. At the Commission we spared no effort to call for and coordinate relocation pledges among Member States and make this disembarkation possible.

I was myself, day and night, in direct contact with a number of ministers. I have also called publicly on all Member States to show more solidarity. This is a message I will keep repeating because we cannot continue to negotiate with human lives at sea. First, I wish to commend Malta, as one of our smallest Member States, for demonstrating such solidarity and I plan to visit Malta very soon.

All these countries have shown European solidarity in the most concrete way possible. But the European Union simply cannot continue to rely on unorganised ad hoc solutions when it comes to disembarkation. I was in Italy, as you know, yesterday where I had constructive discussions with the leadership of the country, with Prime Minster Conte and Interior Minister Salvini. We are all committed to establishing a truly European solidarity mechanism because it is not only through a European approach that we can really manage this challenge. The situation today is already proof of that.

I ask everyone to open their eyes. We are not in a migration or refugee crisis anymore, although some try to present it as such. And while we are determined to continue reducing irregular migratory flows towards Europe, we also have to acknowledge that some migrants and refugees will continue to come, even if those numbers are much smaller today.

This is not something that we cannot handle, but it does become unmanageable if countries have to act alone. It is for exactly this reason that we need predictable and sustainable mechanisms in place. It is indeed critical for Europe to uphold its moral and human duty while at the same time to have in place a solid, sustainable, future-proof and fair asylum system. This is the essence of our common European asylum reform. Until we get there the Commission is ready to work with Member States to set up temporary arrangements.

They will allow us to ensure solidarity with the most exposed EU countries while avoiding creating a pull factor. They will serve as a bridge until the new Dublin regulation becomes applicable. Thanks to your support and your commitment we are in a position to say that we deliver, but we can do more in the future. But unfortunately the clock is ticking. We are running out of time and we have only three months ahead. We are quite constrained on time and a number of colleagues want to take the floor at the end of this debate.

In dit kader verwijs ik naar de toespraak van collega Verhofstadt, de fractieleider van de Europese liberalen, van vorige zomer hier in de vergaderzaal over de noodzaak van hervorming van de Europese asiel- en migratieregels. Hij verweet de Raad toen dat er werd getalmd met de aanpak van de migratiecrisis. Dit is echt om problemen vragen, want wereldwijd zijn er zo'n 60 miljoen mensen op de vlucht. Europa kan hen niet allemaal opvangen. Daarom is er een limiet nodig voor het aantal migranten dat we opvangen. Maar zolang het Europees Parlement, net als collega Verhofstadt, migratiedossiers blijft benaderen vanuit een optiek van open grenzen, zullen vele Europese hervormingsvoorstellen inzake migratie stranden op de onwil van de Raad.

Het Parlement dicteert idiote en onwerkbare voorstellen, in het genre luchtbruggen tussen Afrika en Europa en verbaast zich dan over de weigering van de lidstaten. Deze legislatuur loopt op zijn einde en vele asieldossiers zitten nog altijd muurvast. Het is tijd voor realisme. De ongebreidelde instroom moet worden beperkt. Daarom moeten we focussen op de bewaking van de buitengrenzen en de lidstaten hierbij meer ondersteunen. We managed to join five groups in a text that actually points out the need for a truly European compromise.

We voted for a proposal that would ensure solidarity between Member States; where every Member State would play a positive part in correcting the failures of the current system. We improved the Commission proposal by ensuring immediate registration and security screenings of applicants, reasonable balance, easing the burden on front-line Member States and a fair sharing of responsibilities for all. Our text would incentivise applicants to work with the authorities instead of driving them to abscond and make use of smugglers. What I want to see is an orderly asylum system in Europe where those in need of protection who reach our shores would receive exactly that, and those that do not comply with the criteria would be sent back.

We did our homework in this House. What did the Member States do? They dug themselves deeper and deeper into the trenches. All of them seem to worry mostly about themselves and no one is ready to find a compromise. We are all time low on migration at this moment. And still there are a few that manage to reach our shores and we need to take full responsibility for them and we should do it jointly together. The result that we see from Member States now is that people rescued at sea have to wait for weeks in full despair and desperation as Member States haggle over their future.

With every failure of the Member States the bar seems to be set lower and lower. Believe me, judgment day will come and generations to come will ask all of us, why did you allow this to happen? No one can give a full answer to that but we know that we managed to put systems together on everything except for human beings. The day has come for us to deliver. On entendait des gens crier, hurler, pleurer. Das frage ich Sie. Wollen Sie das? Haben Sie Lust dazu?

Das frage ich Sie, den Rat. Sie blockieren das! Sie blockieren eine positive, eine progressive Asylpolitik. Secondo un recente studio dell'EPRS, le carenze del CEAS hanno un impatto non soltanto sui diritti fondamentali, ma anche in termini di costi economici, che sono stimati annualmente in circa 49 miliardi di euro. Una cifra che include, tra l'altro, i costi delle inefficienze riguardanti i trasferimenti di Dublino, le procedure di asilo e anche i rimpatri. Se si continua a tergiversare e a fare in modo che i singoli paesi affrontino il fenomeno in modo non strutturale, ma emergenziale, rischiamo di far cadere l'intero edificio europeo.

Het is het resultaat van het met tegenzin accepteren van de keiharde aanpak van mensensmokkelende ngo's door Matteo Salvini, de Italiaanse minister van Binnenlandse Zaken. De Raad pleit voor hetzelfde slappe EU-beleid waar het gaat om het terugzenden van illegale migranten, terwijl mevrouw Merkel vorige week nog erkende dat de Turkije-deal op dit punt volledig gefaald heeft. De Raad heeft dus afgesproken om nog meer miljarden naar corrupte Afrikaanse landen te sturen, maar nauwelijks een migrant terug te zenden.

Dus de oplossing moet opnieuw van de patriotten komen. Zoals de heer Wilders in Nederland al jaren bepleit: de grenzen moeten dicht en niet alleen de grenzen van de EU, maar ook de grenzen van de lidstaten. Daarmee wordt doorreizen naar Duitsland, het migrantenwalhalla van de EU, vrijwel onmogelijk. Terugslepen van boten met migranten naar de Afrikaanse kust, en ik zeg u: de EU-kustwacht gaat dit niet doen. Ook daar zullen we het moeten hebben van de lidstaten waar patriottische partijen regeren.

De enige oplossing voor deze falende EU is de samenwerking van soevereine staten die zelf zorgen voor de bescherming van hun burgers. Neem dat tot voorbeeld voor de EU. We do want to take some catch-the-eye contributions. Y tenemos a cuarenta y nueve personas dando vueltas por las tormentas del invierno, porque no somos capaces de darles acogida en uno de nuestros puertos. Esto es lo que tienen que saber los ciudadanos. Nosotros hemos hecho nuestro trabajo. Jussi Halla-aho ECR. The reason is that the approach of the Commission and this Parliament has been unrealistic. The left and the centre say that Europeans demand solutions.

That is true, but Europeans do not want bad solutions. The common European asylum system is centred on ideas like solidarity, management and burden-sharing. What most Europeans actually want is not just managed immigration but less immigration, because massive third world immigration is damaging to our societies. Reducing immigration must be the cornerstone of any European solution. This is already understood in many Member States.

I hope the next European Parliament has the will to deliver what Europeans need and want. But Madam President, last year over 2 people died trying to cross the Mediterranean. We are very critical, and rightfully so, of this silly wall of President Trump, but Fortress Europe is just a European equivalent of that wall, and you in the Council are building Fortress Europe.

You are building the wall. We just happen to have the Mediterranean in between. Now, like Trump and his stupid wall, the Council is using Fortress Europe for populist purposes and political debate. You should take an example from that. You should learn from that, from all the NGOs and churches who are actually clamouring for a sensible, humane and effective asylum policy. It is ready to be adopted, so stop playing games. I would like to commend the Commissioner for his strong personal commitment and all the efforts, the tireless efforts, he is making for a common asylum policy.

I just have one small request to you, and that is true refrain from putting new proposals on the table, like the recast of the Return Directive, which is absolutely, completely unnecessary and just part of the silly political games of the Council. Do what the European citizens expect of you and adopt the asylum package, because yes we can do it. Germany has demonstrated it can be done, so just do it. This is the number of people displaced, the overwhelming majority of whom are in their countries of origin. And while we are seeing an increase in the number of refugees we also have to recognise that that is a result of conflict, persecution and that increasingly we are going to see people pushed to move because of climate change, and I am sure that even patriots would want a robust position from the European Union on tackling climate change if they are so worried about the growing number of people moving.

And I would like to ask Council whether they think we have got the balance right, where we are turning a blind eye to human rights abuses in Turkey and Libya? Whether the EU is doing enough on resettlement, that you mentioned, and that in terms of Dublin and secondary movements, are we doing enough to remove the push factors where our Member States are not delivering on the asylum policy correctly so people will move on for family reunion to have their claims heard?

We need to be looking at what we are doing and we could do better. Sull'immigrazione non siamo un'Unione e violiamo il diritto europeo e internazionale. I soli regolamenti su cui insiste il Consiglio sono quelli securitari, guardia di frontiera, rimpatri, che esternalizzano gli obblighi di asilo. Gli altri fascicoli, qualifiche, reinsediamenti sono fermi da un anno. Il risultato, eccolo: litigi tra Stati membri, criminalizzazione della ricerca e salvataggio, accordi ad hoc tra Stati UE per aggirare perfino le norme di Dublino 3, consegna di migranti ai lager libici, Presidente, sono campi di morte.

Ha ragione il commissario Avramopoulos, now is the time. But, Mr Lamberts, does this include those migrants getting into dinghies in France in order to cross the English Channel? What are they fleeing from? What is the living hell in France that they are fleeing from?

They are not asylum seekers, are they? These are migrants, and the problem we have is that we are conflating the issue; we are reforming the EU asylum and migration policy, but until we deal with migration policy, we cannot truly deal with asylum. We need to have a very strict ability to decide on exactly how many people come into Europe so that our local authorities can ensure that there are enough houses for these people, enough jobs for these people, enough schools and doctors and teachers.

Can we get our house in order? Reform means to improve. We are not improving anything. Mario Borghezio ENF. L'Italia ne ha le scatole piene di dover subire i risultati negativi delle politiche sbagliate. Bisogna bloccare gli sbarchi per bloccare i traffici, bloccare gli sbarchi e allora poi rivedere le regole anche di Steven Woolfe NI. The EU policy has turned commercial shipping and coastguards in the Mediterranean into a taxi service for criminal gangs dealing in human beings.

The EU is colluding in human misery and criminal money. If the EU were to insist that all asylum applications must be processed in countries outside of the EU, this would cut the deadly traffic immediately. EU policy is therefore resulting in death and human trafficking. It is encouraging the slave markets in North Africa.

It has resulted in migrants being shipped into the EU for forced labour. The hope for Europe now lies in national leaders to protect our ancient nations from themselves. Borders belong to nations. Sparare direttamente sui barconi? E chi ci assicura che non succeda di nuovo domani? E agli ipocriti, come il collega Borghezio, chiedo con che faccia oggi si lamenti dei mancati ricollocamenti, visto che in quest'Aula avete votato contro e che sulla riforma di Dublino vi siete astenuti.

Proteste fuori microfono da parte di Mario Borghezio. Kristina Winberg ECR. Verklig solidaritet kan inte reformeras! Thank you for your support. No se le permite ir a rescatar vidas con un argumento alucinante: que si los Estados no cumplen sus obligaciones del Derecho internacional, no debe hacerlo un buque como Open Arms. Son migrantes, pero, sobre todo, son pobres. Gilles Lebreton ENF. Carlos Coelho PPE. O Conselho vai finalmente respeitar e ouvir este Parlamento? Les fuerzan a echarse al mar en manos de las mafias, porque no hay otra forma de llegar.

That is the question everyone needs to answer today. So we have a window of three months, in that window an opportunity must be taken. We have three months. Dieser Beschluss beinhaltet genau die solidarische Verteilung, von der immer geredet wird. Lukas Mandl PPE. Dobbiamo salvarli e portarli nel primo porto sicuro.

Dobbiamo anche avere e chiedere un diritto all'attracco e allo sbarco immediato. Ai vari governi chiedo di abbandonare ogni demagogia e di fare e di deliberare secondo i trattati, ma anche secondo i due global compact recentemente adottati dalle Nazioni Unite. We moeten tonen aan de Europese burgers dat we problemen kunnen aanpakken en dus vragen wij hier vanuit het Europees Parlement een heel doeltreffend asielbeleid.

Mevrouw Stevens, nee, de liberale fractie en Guy Verhofstadt, wij pleiten niet voor een opengrenzenbeleid. Wij staan voor solidariteit en verantwoordelijkheid tussen de lidstaten. Wij staan voor een snellere afhandeling, voor een bescherming van de kinderen in migratie. Wij staan voor de aanpak van de mensensmokkelaars, voor een hervorming van Dublin. We weten allemaal dat lidstaten dit niet alleen aankunnen. Alleen de Europese Unie kan asiel en migratie aanpakken en degene die anders beweren met valse cijfers en de mensen angst aanjagen, die zouden beschaamd moeten zijn.

Ik vraag aan de Europese Raad en de Commissie politieke daadkracht. Het pakket lichter, doe het nu gewoon. Otra estrategia es aislar la extrema derecha, como ha ocurrido en Suecia.

I apologise to everyone else who wanted to contribute to the debate, but time has run out. Just before you speak — Ms Gomes, indeed you were among the first, but I do apologise — I am under strict instruction. Frankly, if this were my decision — this is a really important debate — I would give it more time, but I am under pressure from what is already agreed by those who are above my pay grade.

We shall not spare any efforts. The Commission, and I personally, remain fully committed to continue working with you and the Council to achieve this very important goal: the reform of the European asylum system. I would like to thank you for this clear and loud support. We will continue to work together intensively to achieve the completion of our comprehensive work. I have taken note of your remarks.

One should never forget that, in the area of migration, all our actions are interconnected and all the pieces have to fit together. We all agree that cooperation with third countries is key, not only to prevent irregular departures to Europe, but also to eliminate once and for all the cruel businesses run by traffickers and smugglers. Partnership and enhanced cooperation with African partner countries is at the heart of our work. It is also essential to ensure that all coastal states in the Mediterranean are able and ready to comply with their obligations under international law regarding search and rescue.

A crucial element, therefore, is also our work on return, both with countries of origin and within the European Union. Last but not least, we need to continue our actions to strengthen and better manage our common external borders. This is what our Member States have asked for, and we have delivered.

That is why we also need to advance those proposals on which we are ready or almost ready. We have to be ready for the future — an unpredictable future. We simply can no longer afford these types of unorganised ad hoc solutions. Now is the time to put words into action. Our citizens expect a lot from us, and they count on us. The Presidency is working with the Commission and Member States to find an arrangement that ensures predictability, in accordance with the international law of the sea concerning disembarkation, and enables efficient asylum and return procedures. The Romanian Presidency will therefore take the work forward on this basis.

Over the course of several presidencies, intensive efforts have been put into an attempt to find a solution acceptable for all. Different concepts were tested; however, it has not been possible to agree on a compromise. As already explained, it has been clear that the agreement has to be built around the different aspects of the comprehensive approach, and this is the avenue that the Romanian Presidency intends to follow.

Los inmigrantes en la ciudad

As I said previously, we are working to find an arrangement that brings predictability, in accordance with the international law of the sea concerning disembarkation, and enables efficient asylum and return procedures. I welcome the solution found last week on the two NGO ships, with the support of the Commission in liaison with the Member States. It is of the utmost importance that we succeed quickly, even if only with a temporary solution. The EU as a whole — not to mention the migrants themselves — does not deserve to see this situation remain unresolved.

At the same time, we will continue working on reforming the common European asylum system that will bring about a permanent solution to address the situation in the future. I remain confident that, thanks to all of our efforts, we can make an important step forward toward these goals. Written statements Rule Exigimos el cumplimiento por parte del Consejo de sus obligaciones y mandato derivados del Derecho europeo. Una soluzione dunque eccezionale. Confrontando i dati del con quelli del emerge una forte riduzione dei richiedenti asilo in prima istanza e un crollo degli arrivi.

Dobbiamo arrivare il prima possibile ad una vera riforma del Regolamento di Dublino, unica strada per uscire dalla crisi attuale. Valeram-nos as ONG que persistem em salvar vidas. O Parlamento fez o seu trabalho. It pains me to see the ineptness and rigidness of the current EU rules, when all we have been fighting for in the last few years was a European solution to the migration crisis.

But it hurts much worse to see people deceivingly attacking my country, when Malta has done more than most EU countries have done in the last 10 years. When, Malta has taken in, per capita, more than any other EU country. And when Malta has successfully helped to conclude the ad hoc agreement for the quick and safe relocation of the 49 migrants. We cannot expect that every time Salvini decides to blackmail the European Union and the Member States, then Malta will take the burden and the responsibility for the whole of the EU.

But please, do not let people suffer any longer and provide us with a sustainable European solution to share the responsibility among all Member States. Ze moeten de resultaten van het beleid aantonen. De budgetten voor migratie stijgen jaar na jaar. Enkel de hervestigingscijfers vallen tegen, maar daar is geen regering ooit over — of voor — gevallen.

Allemaal prima. Alleen gaat het in ons leven in essentie niet over cijfers, of toch niet wezenlijk. Het geeft ons geen warm huis om naar terug te keren. We voelen ons niet veiliger op straat. Op het einde van de rit wordt onze baan niet beter beschermd. De migratiecrisis van vandaag is geen crisis van cijfers, maar een crisis van vertrouwen. Geen voortgangsverslag, terugkeerakkoord of ontschepingscentrum dat dat oplost. Als het aan het Europees Parlement lag, dan kwam de commissaris vandaag vertellen dat het nooit meer zal gebeuren.

Dat er een plan klaarligt dat ervoor zorgt dat een dorpje met inwoners nooit meer onbegeleide kinderen alleen zal moeten opvangen, omdat er 26 andere lidstaten klaar zullen staan. Prima di dare la parola al cancelliere Sebastian Kurz, voglio ringraziare la Presidenza austriaca per la fattiva collaborazione con il Parlamento europeo.

Ringrazio anche i rappresentanti del governo austriaco che hanno partecipato alle sedute di questo Parlamento e naturalmente anche la rappresentanza di Vienna a Bruxelles. Concludo il ringraziamento e do subito la parola al cancelliere Kurz. Dank des Einsatzes vieler im Parlament, im Rat und in der Kommission, vor allem aber auch, weil es bei allen Beteiligten den Willen zu Kompromissen gab. Nachdem jeder Vorsitz nur ein Glied in einer Kette ist, darf ich mich ganz herzlich auch bei unseren Trio-Partnern Estland und Bulgarien bedanken.

Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Aufgrund des aktuellen Anlasses, aber vor allem auch aufgrund der Dimension, erlauben Sie mir vielleicht, mit dem Brexit und den damit verbundenen Herausforderungen zu beginnen. Zum ersten Bereich, zur Sicherheit und Migrationspolitik: Es ist uns hier trotz der Blockade in der Verteilungsfrage gelungen, einen Fortschritt bei der Zusammenarbeit mit Drittstaaten zu erzielen. Im Dezember sind Schlussfolgerungen des Rates zu diesem Themenbereich angenommen worden.

It is very important for this Parliament to defend freedom of religion and dialogue between religions. Thank you very much for your work in this direction. We will in this Parliament commemorate the Holocaust in the coming days. Es ergibt wenig Sinn, dass ich hier wiederhole, was der Bundeskanzler vorgetragen hat. Ich habe das nicht verstanden, ich kann es bis heute nicht nachvollziehen, wieso das passieren konnte.

Das war kein einfacher Job. Alle verlangen von uns, dass wir mehr in Sachen Grenzschutz tun. Wir tun etwas, wir schlagen gemeinsam mit dem Bundeskanzler etwas vor, und jetzt finden Absetzbewegungen statt. Ich kann das nur brandmarken. Auch die Arbeitnehmer haben Recht auf Schutz. Vielen Dank und servus. Es ist schade, dass das so ist. Das ist beachtlich. Deswegen: Gratulation dazu! Diese Schwerpunktsetzung hat Europa gutgetan. Die Grundbotschaft dahinter ist: Nie wieder!

Es wurde enorm viel erreicht. Gratulation dazu! But we can see that the Austrian Presidency was delivering more of another kind of Europe: a Europe of fears, retrenchment and a certain kind of selfishness. We regret this, because we need a strong Europe with strong ambition — so strong and so ambitious that we can provide the necessary solidarity. This started with the refugee drama. We could have delivered quick, swift operations of rescuing and providing asylum.

But we were confronted with several dramatic scenes in the Mediterranean, and we deplored this. Europe needs to define a fully-fledged migration policy to ensure the orderly, organised management of migration — because we do need migration. Instead, we were blocking some of the key pieces of this migration policy. Then we had the episode of the Global Compact for Migration, which we very much deplore. This was endorsed by most of the countries in the world, and we saw in Marrakesh some of the Member States of the European Union not endorsing it, led by the Austrian Government — something we again deplore and something we just cannot understand.

But this lack of ambition and solidarity also has connected with our citizens. Let us take the European Social Pillar — the biggest initiative we have. The Austrian Presidency could have delivered more quickly on the full package of directives and regulations which are necessary to implement the social pillar. We could not understand how it was even possible for the Austrian Presidency to postpone a meeting of the Council of Ministers. We are in a hurry, Chancellor, to implement this pillar in order to turn this into reality.

And then we have the important negotiations on the multiannual budget. Yes, this is necessary to meet the new challenges in Europe and also to keep a strong commitment to cohesion. We were really disappointed that, in the last European Council, it was decided that the final agreement should take place only in autumn.

This is too late. A lot of regions will suffer from this. Then we had another opportunity on eurozone reform — something on which we have been waiting for years and years. The solutions are on the table. We might be close to an agreement enabling us to complete the banking union and to create the budget for the eurozone, something all monetary zones in the world have — they have a budget. But again, the Austrian Presidency was hesitating over this. This is a crucial piece to reset cohesion inside the eurozone and to overcome the divergences we have in this important area of European construction.

Then tax fairness. Yes, we do need a new digital tax and we need to deliver this in a much quicker way. I must tell you, Chancellor, that from our viewpoint, the Austrian Presidency missed some key opportunities to deliver a stronger Europe, which we need in this particular occasion, because we are confronted with a new movement of ideas, calling for retrenchment, selfishness, a far right movement. In the face of this, we basically have a choice: either we make an alliance with them and make concessions to them, or we present a real fully-fledged alternative — a strong Europe, ambitious and able to provide solidarity.

So this is the way to go for us Social Democrats, and we really think that we need to move to a new phase where this new kind of leadership emerges in Europe. So these are our remarks, Chancellor. Let me do just a little cherry picking to pick up just a few of them. I will start of course with migration and security. I have to tell you that it was really refreshing to see a slightly different point of view from the Presidency and the Chancellery than we have heard many times before. You indicated very clearly what many other politicians were hesitant to say, namely that Europe is neither ready nor willing to accept continuous waves of migrants, as it would have an impact on both our security and the internal coherence of our societies.

You also came forward with proposals and solutions. I can assure you your message was heard and appreciated, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe and in the V4 countries. Again it was proven how important it is to find a consensus between the Member States instead of arbitrary solutions, like the very unfortunate relocation scheme pursued by the Commission, which unfortunately caused one of the most serious clashes yet between East and West and between new and old EU Member States.

I hope that is definitely off the table. You also made it one of your priorities to ensure the prosperity and competitiveness of the European economy, especially through digitalisation and innovation, and you were right. While we have a well—established and functioning start-up culture, the biggest players often come from outside the European Union.

We need to do more for start-ups and for small and medium-sized enterprises. In this respect, we need to remove trade barriers. I would also like to congratulate you on the swift ratification of the Free Trade Agreement with Japan, which happened during your Presidency. I hope that other similar treaties still in the pipeline — most notably with Singapore and Vietnam — will follow soon.

Last but not least, the Multiannual Financial Framework negotiations continued under your Presidency. They are not over yet, and that is good news, because this Parliament and this Commission are finishing their mandate, and therefore they should not decide on behalf of the Member States or Commissioners of the next term. External relations were also a big burden for you. I will not go further into that, but I will end by stating that the Austrian Presidency was pragmatic, non-ideological and not a Presidency of big slogans, but rather of achievable results. This is good news.

It was good to see common sense once again prevailing in most of your endeavours, because common sense is exactly what my own group is trying to pursue in this Parliament. So I will spare you by only saying that I think that that was an efficient Presidency and Austria did deliver as a Presidency on its intentions. But I rather look at always every six-months period of time, not as a Presidency issue but how did the European Union really do, and how have we advanced, regardless of the Presidency?

And I think that this needs to be said. This is still a European Union of 28 — maybe tomorrow 27 — Member States where the Presidency has a key role to play, but obviously it cannot perform miracles, but it can help a great deal. But if you speak of the number of trilogues, I agree with you: I think this is again a sign of an efficient Austrian Presidency. Together with the rapporteur Angelika Niebler, we dealt with cyber security. I think the result is not bad at all. We still look at cyber security as an issue where we tack between those who would like to prevail in terms of competences and the rest, and we are as strong or as weak as the weakest part of the chain of the European Union.

So that is just one example where I would like to say the numbers matter and you have been efficient, but it also matters what kind of legislation we are able to enact, how the Member States are ready and, of course, how we manage to strike compromises with real ambition. And the answer is clear: I still would go to Silicon Valley. Let me just focus on two or three issues where I think we could have done better, for sure, and maybe that history will show also the Presidency. One is on internal security.

And we are not facing today a crisis, we are facing a problem, and the moment the crisis would come, we could have significant difficulties on the budget. And I think that again, there is enormous progress — you have ticked all the boxes; the question is: how well were these boxes filled? No, I think we have been elected or appointed for the whole term. I think that this is not realistic. But anyway, at the very end, I think with those remarks I think that you have done a very good job, but we as the European Union are not yet doing the job that our citizens really expect us to do, and we do fail on some issues.

Viele Gesetzgesetzgebungsvorhaben sind nicht vorangekommen, sind im Rat stecken geblieben. Endlich haben wir eine Anstrengung von so vielen Staaten dieser Welt, um das Thema anzugehen. Sie hat pragmatisch und korrekt und kooperativ gearbeitet, aber sie hat die Zentralisierung nicht vorangetrieben. Es bleibt mir nicht mehr viel zu sagen.

Das bedeutet, dass es durchaus legitim ist, in Sachfragen unterschiedlicher Meinung zu sein, auch zwischen den Fraktionen unterschiedliche Positionen zu vertreten. Barbara Kappel ENF , schriftlich. Signori deputati, gentili ospiti, oggi celebriamo l'anniversario dei vent'anni della nostra moneta. Secondo l'ultimo sondaggio di Eurobarometro, tre europei su quattro danno un giudizio positivo sulla moneta unica.

Tuttavia, la crisi ha anche evidenziato il mancato completamento dell'edificio dell'euro ed alcuni errori compiuti nella gestione del problema dei debiti sovrani. Non possiamo rimanere in mezzo al guado, dove rischiamo di essere travolti da una nuova crisi. Je vous en prie. I have the memory of my predecessor, Wim Duisenberg, who was there at the very start of the euro.

I also have the memory of all the presentations before the European Parliament from to There have always been, as there are today, challenging — not to say very challenging — times for Europe. From that standpoint, I would like to stress four successes of the euro. First, it is a success in terms of currency credibility and stability. The ECB was given the primary mandate of price stability by the open democracies. The domestic stability of the euro is echoed by its international credibility.

The euro is the second international currency after the dollar, far above the third, the yen. Second, the euro and the euro area have proved to be remarkably resilient in the face of the worst financial and economic crisis since World War II. At the inception of the euro, a significant global analysis suggested that the single currency would be short—lived as an audacious experience deserving respect for its boldness but incapable of sustaining the difficulty of hard times. Regarding the fourth success of the euro, I would refer to the last IMF Data Mapper, which suggests that there is no significant difference between per capita growth in the euro area and in the US.

The same is demonstrated by the World Bank data: approximately the same growth per capita in the US and in Europe since the setting-up of the euro in I also think that the euro, as I said, is a process, not an event. One should not underestimate the decisions made since its inception, the reinforcement of the Stability and Growth Pact, the ratification of the Fiscal Stability Treaty, the setting-up of the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure, the ratification of the European Stability Mechanism Treaty, and last, but not least, banking union.

During the whole of my term, I can testify that, in my hearings before the European Parliament, I benefited from the strongest and most important moral support when we had to preserve price stability and engage at the same time on very bold non-conventional measures, including the purchase of treasury bonds from a number of countries in and before the decision taken by the ECB under the chairmanship of Mario.

The twin messages that I received from the European Parliament were: be faithful to your mandate and deliver price stability; be innovative and bold enough, when necessary, to be commensurate with your responsibilities in times of exceptional crisis. Expressing my gratitude to the European Parliament, I cannot help but mentioning that I looked at the Eurobarometer and I could see that the trust in the European Parliament bestowed on it by the fellow citizens is important, superior of course to the non-trust fellow citizen, and it is better result than what we see for the national parliaments.

I mention that very cautiously en passant. Jean Monnet once wrote:. The euro is the most tangible representation of European integration that our citizens encounter on a daily basis. It is fitting, then, to celebrate this anniversary here with the directly elected representatives of all our citizens. Over the years here, elected representatives and leaders and elected representatives in other parliaments have rightly recognised that ensuring economic prosperity and stability over the long term is a shared challenge that is best faced collectively.

We are stronger together. With the Single Market, we have a powerful engine of sustainable growth to underpin our living standards. The euro has safeguarded the integrity of the Single Market. Today, our economies are integrated to a point that was not imaginable when the euro was designed.

The euro has also produced two decades of price stability, including in countries where this was a long-lost memory. Based on such confidence, firms invest and create new jobs. Today, most challenges are global and can only be addressed together. It is precisely in this sense that the single currency has given to all members of the euro area their monetary policy sovereignty, compared with the pre—existing monetary arrangements.

It is together that we have a voice — and we had a voice — in the regulation of international financial markets, a voice which has been fundamental in reshaping the world financial regulation after the great financial crisis. Partly, this is because reforms at national level are necessary — and by the way, they would be so under any monetary system — to produce sustainable growth; partly, it is because the Economic and Monetary Union EMU remains incomplete.

Great progress has been achieved since the crisis struck, but more work still needs to be done; and there is no alternative to a future where we will all continue to work together to make our Economic and Monetary Union an even stronger engine of prosperity for all its Member States. The European Parliament has had and will have a fundamental role in guiding and designing our European future. In the past, together with the EU leaders, the European Parliament took the fundamental decisions to create the Single Market, and in its wake, the euro.

Today, we are all reaping the benefits of their commitment, of your commitment, and we want future generations of Europeans to benefit similarly from our commitment as well. Today, our duty is to complete what was started two decades ago. Il y a des faiblesses. Bleiben wir bitte ihrem Erbe treu! The euro is one of the greatest achievements in the history of European integration.

Our single currency provides a solid anchor for the creation of jobs and growth across Europe. The euro has become a symbol of the European identity. It became a popular idea among million people in 19 euro-area countries as it enjoys greater support today than ever before. Many predicted a spectacular failure of the euro, but we proved them wrong.

Not all of the past 20 years have indeed been easy. The financial and sovereign debt crises have put the single currency to the test. Shortcomings in the architecture of the Economic and Monetary Union came to the surface. The establishment of the European Stability Mechanism and the banking union has strengthened economic policy coordination, which illustrates precisely this point. Today the euro area is enjoying a broad-based economic expansion, which started in The outlook is positive. Despite some loss of momentum and some downside risks that have been accumulating.

Steady job creation has allowed increasingly more people to benefit from this expansion. The health of public finances and of the banking sector has also been improving. Much has been achieved during these 20 years. Nevertheless, more is needed to ensure that the euro area is well equipped to handle future crises. The Eurogroup has been doing its part. Its work paved the way for an agreement at the December Euro Summit on strengthening our single currency. This was the single biggest reform of the euro performed outside the crisis context.

The agreement will allow for a more effective and broader use of the European Stability Mechanism and make our system of bank resolution more credible.

  • Turkish immigrants in Germany and their cultural conflicts.
  • Penance.
  • Demian. Stagione 1. Episodio 1 - Episodio 2: Tango - I am the resurrection (Italian Edition);
  • Overcoming Adversity: An Anthology for Andrew.

Importantly, leaders also agreed to establish a euro area budgetary instrument for convergence and competitiveness. I believe this project can, in time, go a long way towards making the euro stable and inclusive. The work on this file is our priority in the months ahead, but the Eurogroup will continue working on other important issues, such as the European Deposit Insurance Scheme and liquidity in resolution.

Step by step, we are increasing the resilience and the smooth functioning of the currency union. Euro area countries and their citizens will thus be in a better position to reap the benefits of the single currency for the next 20 years and beyond. We cannot repeat it often enough that the euro is not — and never was — an end in itself. It is a tool, intended to increase the prosperity of the peoples of Europe. It is our responsibility to ensure that it lives up to its promise, and even more so in these uncertain times.

It is our task to generate a more prosperous society, a more inclusive society, a society with less inequality within each Member State and between our Member States. Thank you for your attention. Since its design, the euro has been a powerful economic tool and an ambitious political project. First, the single currency is an indispensable complement to the Single Market, which has made possible its deepening and has boosted the integration of value chains and the strength of our economies.

Second, as President Draghi has just recalled, the euro is a prerequisite for preserving and recovering shared monetary sovereignty, after the crisis of the Bretton Woods order and the development of globalisation, and this is particularly true for the more vulnerable Member States. Third, the euro is a cornerstone of a peaceful and closer union and a global actor after the end of the Cold War and German unification.

In other words, a strong euro is a fundamental condition for protecting and relaunching the European economic, social and political model, faced with the transformations of our time. Ten years ago, when we were celebrating the euro in this House, the financial crisis was about to shake its foundations. That crisis has provided us with two lessons. The first is that, despite being incomplete, the strength and resilience of the euro are rooted in the common political determination to preserve its integrity.

Here, the resolve of the European Central Bank and of its presidents has been decisive, and the euro has protected the people during the crisis. We should, of course, be able to distinguish between the euro and the economic policies conducted during the crisis, including some economic policy mistakes which were made at that time. The second lesson is that, if we want to achieve our ambitious goals, resilience is not enough. We need to complement our common currency with a robust, democratic economic and social union.

Let us not wait until another crisis happens to develop the necessary tools to ensure stability and common prosperity for all our citizens.

  1. Enoch and the Extraterrestrials.
  2. Reunited.
  3. Die Küchentricks der Profis (German Edition).
  4. Le voyageur liquide (French Edition).

The euro is a journey, and it is time to move forward. I am sure that this and the next Parliament will fully play their part. Un ricordo, e voglio anche dirgli, caro Erminio, tu muori ma le nostre idee non muoiono. Bruno Gollnisch NI. She was arrested one year ago for condemning Turkish invasion of Afrin.

For the results and other details of the vote: see Minutes. Andreas Schwab, deputising for the rapporteur. The request to refer the report back to committee was approved. Maria Grapini, raportor. Last week, I had the pleasure of visiting Mill Brook in Bedfordshire, in my constituency. They have invested in 5G mobile test infrastructure to supercharge the development of connected and autonomous vehicles.

The vision for the technological future is one where we all sit back and relax in cars that drive us safely and efficiently to our destinations. No collisions, no traffic jams. To become a reality, of course, there will need to be car-to-car and car-to-everything-around-them communications and crucially, all cars really need to be speaking the same language. So, if industry-wide standards cannot be agreed by industry then the EU must step in. I therefore particularly welcome the call on the Commission to propose a regulatory framework to promote V2X connectivity for highly and fully automated vehicles.

Morten Messerschmidt ECR. The three pillars of work needing to happen around the legal framework are the financial support for developing technologies and the socio-economic implications of driverless. The arguments around liability are now familiar and the ability to adapt technologies to local driving cultures are entirely feasible. The clear desire on the part of technology firms like Google, Uber and Amazon to dispense with those inconvenient and unpredictable human beings has social implications that are both wide and deep. However, there is a fourth pillar, and that is public acceptance of autonomous vehicles.

The traveling public is perfectly willing to accept the notion of autonomous vehicles with a human safety override on passenger aircraft as a matter of routine, but the car is a symbol of personal freedom and status, and it is powerful and it is cherished. So politicians are sooner or later going to have to answer the question: in the future will I still be able to drive my own car wherever I want to drive it? Adam Szejnfeld PPE. Deirdre Clune PPE. Safety and privacy of data is one of them and, of course, safety of individuals.

The technical standards of vehicles and infrastructure need to be addressed. We need responsibilities of the operators to come into play. Who is liable and what are the ethical questions around it? Daniel Hannan ECR. Now, as autonomous vehicles become a reality, an awful lot of jobs are going to be lost in that sector, and of course that has led to some concerns in this House, which we have heard.

Where, after all, if we look around today are all the unemployed ex-video rental employees or secretaries or archivists or travel agents? Technology is constantly changing the way we work, and yet more people in most of our countries are in employment than at any time in our history. Look around; look around at how lucky we are to be alive right now. The use of drones for the transport of goods and automated light rail systems for public transport are already a possibility, and entry into the European market of passenger cars with automated driving functions is imminent.

Therefore, we need to get ready, and we also need to do a lot more research. I look forward to that being done, especially in the next Horizon programme. Therefore it is a technology that is going to move us forward and we better move quickly. For intet er sket. Od dekad tworzymy jednolity rynek zjednoczonej Europy. Men nej. Det er pinligt. Urszula Krupa ECR. If gender equality does not exist within our own institution, how can we possibly ensure gender equality in the broader society? I certainly welcome achievements made over the past two years as outlined in this report, and I believe now — before the European elections — is the perfect time to look at where we can improve into the next mandate.

One of the most notable actions taken by Parliament recently was to introduce a training programme specifically for MEPs on these issues. I personally completed the training and I found it very worthwhile. I think this training is extremely important and I would urge all colleagues to attend. It certainly brought out for me the need to ensure that gender equality is always at the forefront in all we do in the European Parliament. Niestety tak nie jest. Marek Jurek ECR. To symplicyzm. To populistyczna teza. To po prostu nieprawda. Yet, we are living in a society blighted by period poverty and period stigma.