Here the site is broad and rectangular with the main block or corps de logis built across the middle. The elevation is simple but not austere with a tall 'piano nobile' over the basement offices and stores. The pitch of the roof starts from a cornice, and the dormers are given alternating triangular and curved pediments. A double ramp central staircase leads into the vestibule from the courtyard and garden sides, and access to the attic floor is by the two spiral staircases in the small angle pavilions in the left- and right-hand corners of the courtyard. In a much quoted phrase, Serlio wrote that an outstanding quality he found in French houses was their comfort, which might be interpreted as their practicality, and we can follow in this plan the arrangements for the service functions, and the partition of the public from the private life of a Bellifontaine or Parisian house to which Serlio alludes.
Corrozet spoke of the pleasure of. The most prolific popularizer of architectural design of Renaissance France, Jacques Androuet du Cerceau the Elder, owned or borrowed the Avery Library manuscript of Serlio's book.
Du Cerceau plagiarized a great deal from Serlio, and his first Livre d'Architecture published in Paris in owes its format but few of its fifty designs to the Italian. The schemes in du Cerceau's book are all in a distinctively French manner but the book is most remarkable for the variety and fancy of its plans of the large scale buildings with square, rectangular, circular, cruciform and octagonal courtyards. The large ideal schemes may well have impressed Parisian builders and patrons with the systems of the elevations, but it is amongst the smaller projects at the beginning of du Cerceau's suite that we should look for plans which might have been conceived with Paris in mind, or more probably were based on recent Parisian buildings.
The first and smallest of du Cerceau's series Figs 8—9 for a person of 'moyen estat' is a design for a corps de logis , without any subordinate buildings or topographical context, but this is the sort of structure to be expected on a rectangular city site, on a thoroughfare. The plans of the basement, ground and first floors of this house provide an interesting social insight, with unlit cellars below ground, a ground floor where the whole of the left half is taken up with the kitchen which is evidence of a traditional bourgeois social priority, and the first flight of the main staircase leading to a first floor with from left to right a chambre Cubiculum , garderobe Vestiarium , or wardrobe and a salle Aula or hall, which would have been the living room cum dining room.
The chambre with its wardrobe would have been the owner's apartment with the hall across the landing as the only reception room of the house. The use of the attic floor is not specified by du Cerceau, but it would be used conventionally for children or servants. This scheme is a perfect example of French 'comfort' as understood and interpreted by Serlio. The windows are arranged so as to give each room light in its middle, rather than any effort being made at strict uniform balance in the elevations.
The street front has raised lights to keep out the gaze of the curious passerby from the kitchen and the other room on the right of the ground floor, which would have been a convenient place of business for the bourgeois. The small raised cabinets on the back of the house were to become a popular feature for courtyard and garden fronts well into the reign of Louis XIV, and inside they were rarely much larger than the five feet square in du Cerceau's design.
Such tiny rooms were to be found in both town and. The corps de logis of XIII is of five regular bays and two floors of equal height on the courtyard, with one bay blocked out at the back. This adjustment was made at the back because of the different widths of the lateral wings of the courtyard. The corps de logis is an enfilade one room deep entered on both floors from a ramp staircase in the right-hand corner of the court, which divides the hall and apartments from the kitchen, servants' rooms and the latrines. The truly prestigious features of this house are the battlemented entrance screen with its rusticated arch and statues, and on the left of the courtyard the arcaded gallery at the end of which was the seclusion of a small chapel or oratory.
The arcade of the gallery would have been used for stores, horses and carriages, and as shelter from the rain for the attendants of a visiting dignitary. This house has a clearly organized circulation.
The windows in the corps de logis facing these small interior courts shows that they were open spaces, but the windows faced a screen to protect the ladies from a view of the kitchen staff and from the sight of the stable's lavatories. The divorce of the main block from the service buildings allows a perfectly symmetrical arrangement of rooms with access from left and right of the courtyard, rather than the one route offered in XIII.
XIIII is a scheme for a substantial house, and was most suited to the city with its incorporation of the stables, which at a country house would be farther removed. We know from seventeenth-century opinion of the dislike of cooking smells amongst the nobility,  and from these plans the dislike was as pronounced in the sixteenth century with kitchens removed as far as possible from the main house.
The classical trappings of the elevations of houses of this scale in du Cerceau's book are limited to arcading for galleries, friezes and cornices to divide the floors, and pedimented dormers. The preceding scheme Fig. Its depth would have made it a public utility on a rainy day, instead of the more familiar form of entrance screen wall with its military. As portrayed by du Cerceau, the square courtyarded house is shown as a flexible form of plan, suitable for a strictly hierarchical society, and in which the components could be treated in various contrasting manners.
If Androuet du Cerceau's plates in the Livre d'Architecture give us a fine repertoire of house planning and style from the s, shorn of the Roman and Venetian style villas, castles and palaces which complete Serlio's offering of domestic design, the Frenchman provides not one word of stylistic theory or advice. His foreword to the notices describing each building is concerned only with describing the toise 1. The notices on each building of the Livre d'Architecture are dry and to the point, with the total number of toises required given at the end for the reader to calculate the cost at the current prices, the first and cheapest has a total of toises , 16 pieds , XXIII and XXIIII have and toises respectively, and the fiftieth and largest scheme at the end of the book has toises.
Reading du Cerceau's text and browsing through the plates the modern reader can see du Cerceau keeping elaborate detail to a minimum even in the larger projects. His sense of the practical led him to publish a Second Livre d'Architecture two years later in , where he illustrates elaborate and costly designs for fireplaces, doorways and dormer windows, presumably for those who have avoided trouble with their masonry contract, and might wish to add some ornate detail.
By an edict of , Henri II sought to standardize Parisian methods of costing a building. The Royal edict required a new system in which the voids were accounted for and deducted, and applied decorative elements such as simple pilasters, friezes and cornices were included and specified in the price for the wall. The consequence of the new regulation was that a master mason was reluctant to agree to, or to observe the finer decorative points which might be given in an architect's drawing, and a separate agreement on the basis of an agreed and initialled drawing was recommended.
Philibert de l'Orme was the only author on architecture to speak with both theoretical and technical authority in his Premier Tome d'Architecture of and his Nouvelles Inventions pour bien bastir of This egocentric and violent man only illustrated and described the house he had built for himself in the rue de la Cerisaie as a contribution to the upper middle-class town house which could be built without unnecessary expense Figs 92— The plan of his house on a long-rectangular site is known, and with the three woodcuts of its elevations and with his text, de l'Orme has left both an architect's and an owner's prescription for a good town house of the s, built well and without excessive cost.
Despite his rise and prestige de l'Orme built a house which was about 13 metres in width, compared to the first and smallest town house in du Cerceau's Livre d'Architecture which spanned a site about 22 metres in width. De l'Orme's books have a wealth of advice on materials and building procedures which helps with an account of sites and building contracts. The organization of the lotissements for building development of the s determined the size and shape of new houses, and the terms and system of costing of the notarial Parisian building contract provide a basis for understanding the stylistic choices available and the decisions made by patrons and architects.
Medieval royal palaces in Paris, with the exception of the compact Louvre, covered large areas with numerous corps de logis , halls and service buildings, connected by. Parts of these sprawling complexes had been given or leased to royal favourites up to the s, and the resolve of the Crown to generate the maximum revenue from these lotissements is shown in the revocation of all gifts and termination of leases on small and large portions of the properties, so that these new quartiers could be methodically developed with grid pattern streets and regular building plots to attract those with means.
The large plots for substantial houses were on the streets which were quieter without direct access between the main thoroughfares. Catherine already drew part of its income from some houses which stood between the church and the rue Saint-Antoine, which from the fourteenth century had been leased for periods of ninety-nine years. By the s the increased number of monks meant that income from existing leases and other sources of revenue was inadequate and they set about exploiting their major asset the Culture Sainte-Catherine. During the first three months of new style the legal formalities of the conditions of sale and lease were decided upon and completed, and the plan of the lotissement was drawn up by the prior, a notary and other unidentified professional men,  with a scale of prices for leases Fig.
At the south-east a new area was opened at the west end of the church from which started the Grande rue Sainte-Catherine, one of two long streets running from south to north, the other being the shorter rue Payenne named after Payen the monks' notary, and from west to east across the middle of the area an extended rue des Francs Bourgeois. Of the fifty-nine circled numbered plots shown in the outline plan Fig. As the outline plan shows, the greater number of lots were bought up in multiples of two to five, and the list of the first buyers and later owners on the Culture Sainte-Catherine is full of the names of leading lords, courtiers, diplomats and administrators.
Robert Dallington writing in or shortly after , having described the Tuileries noted, 'There be other very many and stately buildings, as that of Mons. Des Ligneris built a house on this land which is of central importance in the history of French Renaissance architecture and sculpture, and which in company with documented or surviving houses from the reigns of Henri II, Charles IX and Henri III made the lotissement of the Culture Sainte-Catherine the greatest architectural event and opportunity of the period, and a remarkable commercial success for the monks.
The speed with which the leases on the Culture Sainte-Catherine were. Other royal edicts put further pressure on the available land between the two sets of medieval walls, the inner and earlier set of Philippe Auguste and the outer range from the reign of Charles V. Henri II's ordonnance of 23 November forbade any new building in the faubourgs just outside the walls on both banks, and the act was to be enforced by demolition at the owner's expense with other penalties. The ordonnance was renewed on a number of occasions during the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries because of the problems of policing and servicing an uncontrolled expansion of the city.
The royal and municipal jurisdiction might have been extended to areas beyond the walls, but this was not considered to be in the interests of the city's privileges, economy or security. Letters patent published on 23 January describe a programme for the development of the quarter which is the earliest record of a fully coherent royal initiative in town planning. Philibert de l'Orme's brother Jean was to design a pattern of streets and open spaces; land was to be sold in regular plots on condition that the purchasers built their houses within two years.
The novel clause in the text is the proviso on the houses being 'uniformes et semblables'. Jean de l'Orme was to design a comprehensive scheme with architecturally coherent street elevations, but unfortunately the letters patent do not specify whether the intention was to create an haut-bourgeois and aristocratic residential quarter or one which incorporated a mixture of commercial premises with housing for a wide social spectrum. Estimates of the size of the population of Paris during the sixteenth century vary, and considerable fluctuations are to be expected with the horrors of the Wars of Religion in the second half of the century.
Figures of , to , have been given for the late s, with one million in , which drops to , to , souls in The guesses of a Venetian ambassador or a modern historian of the city's population do. The periods of pressure of population led to taller tenement building in the older quarters on or near the main arteries, the rue Saint-Denis, the rue Saint-Martin on the Right Bank and the rue Saint-Jacques on the Left Bank. The story of the lotissements illustrates one aspect of the filling in of the area within the walls, but this process should not be related to pressures from a growing population, but to the ambitions of speculators, and of the wealthy for a more salubrious life in the town with gardens and other agreeable features.
Once a gentleman or businessman had bought his land on one of the lotissements , he was usually obliged as a condition of the sale to build within a prescribed number of years, and one of the results of such stipulations was numerous cases of sale and resale before any building was started. The design of the house might be entrusted to an architect, but from the evidence of the great majority of surviving building contracts, an architect was consulted or employed on surprisingly few occasions in the second half of the century.
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Custom and architectural books advised the patron to seek competent advice before any commitment by contract to building, on all matters of form and size, materials and their cost, and of course style. Amongst the upper classes were men who had travelled and who had read Vitruvius and other architectural literature, but only rarely is there any trace of their taste, and their impact is impossible to judge.
The building contract may or may not mention a drawing on which the agreement has been based, and contracts are never good records of the stylistic details of buildings, for they are concerned with type, quality and price of materials, but contracts are invaluable for information about the dispositions of a house, and without them few reconstructions of the plans of lost buildings could be attempted.
In such precise and detailed documents as Parisian masonry contracts it is surprising and frustrating to find only the most cursory descriptions of the decorative elements of the projected building, as these would be agreed on the basis of a drawing provided by or on behalf of the patron, and which would be initialled by all the parties to the contract. The loss of the drawings once attached to contracts in the notarial archives is almost total, and so it is from the costings, and the amount of more expensive toises , that a notion of the architectural interest of a building can be extracted.
These documents almost never specify the particularities of any classical ornament to be made; whether a column or pilaster was to be Doric, Ionic or Corinthian presumably had little bearing on the amount of money involved in a bargain. The notarial building contract gave the patron assurances on the cost of work and on the date on which work would be started.
Many contracts only describe a portion of a full scheme foreseen by patron, architect or master mason. Two imposing houses, built by Princes of the Church, survive from the last quarter of the fifteenth century. He was a soldier from his earliest manhood, and entered the church at the age of thirty. As a warrior and as a diplomat, Tristan de Salazar was a conspicuous figure at the Courts of Charles VIII and Louis XII, and the chroniclers and satirists of the period portray him as an ambitious, ruthless and avaricious man, with, in the words of one text, '.
The outstanding features of the exterior are the three pepperpot turrets on the main angles of the building, two of which flank the tall pointed arch of the main gate and its attendant. If there were openings in the ground floor on the outside, they would have been smaller and fewer than are seen today, with generous transom or mullion and transom windows to light the first and second floors.
The exteriors of the south wing and the surviving portion of the east wing with the gateways are all assymmetrical, but the irregular borders of the site precluded symmetry on the outside where windows were opened where they were needed. The ensemble is given coherence by the horizontal string courses which run right round the building at first- and second-floor levels, and the entrance is given a balance by the twin pepperpot towers set. These angle turrets were equally for prestige and defence.
The curious penchant of the bourgeoisie and aristocracy for corner towers and turrets will be discussed below. The picturesque irregularity of the outside is partly a result of the shape of the site, but is also an early example of a building designed from the inside out, as commented upon by Serlio, with windows pierced where needed.
In contrast, the original surviving parts of the courtyard have straight walls, and the courtyard shape as originally laid out was probably an isosceles triangle with the outer left pier of the main gate as its apex and the court front of the west wing or corps de logis as the short side of the figure. Unfortunately the exact length of the west wing is uncertain, and its relationship to and the original dispositions of the wing on the rue Figuier are unknown. We shall never know what was meant by the 'art tout nouveau' mentioned in the lost inscription, but the two most notable features of the courtyard as built were the projecting apse of the chapel near to or in the middle of the corps de logis and the stair tower, which still exists Fig.
The pedigree of the large spiral projecting staircase is long and varied in French medieval domestic architecture. Such staircases often served both to give access to each of the floors of wings which might contain different numbers of levels and to act as a partition, allowing floors or wings to be locked off from the public or business activities of the house. Jacques d'Amboise was the seventh brother in a generation when the Amboise family were at the zenith of their power and prestige under Louis XII. The patronage of all the arts and architecture by the Amboise outshone that of any other family of the late fifteenth- and the first decade of sixteenth-century France.
At Gaillon from Georges d'Amboise rebuilt the castle in the most opulent flamboyant Gothic style. Saint-Julien says this huge sum was accumulated within the space of three years, but adds that this should be thought neither excessive nor strange as the Head of the Order was the traditional beneficiary after the deaths of members of the Order. Such ecclesiastical benefices, notes Saint-Julien, made kings envious.
The slight obtuse angle of the junction of the corps de logis and the gallery is not obvious when passing through the gate in the crenellated screen wall to admire the decoration and clever organization of the courtyard elevations. The entrance to the staircase which leads up to the largest room in the enfilade of the corps de logis is carefully aligned with the gate, and also screens the different and concentrated fenestration of the eastern quarter of the main front.
The courtyard elevations are devised with what we might call 'local symmetry', with each portion designed to be seen as a complete and coherent, if not an independent composition. The richest decoration on the corps de logis and the right lateral block is reserved for the attic storey with its elaborate cornice covered with vegetable and witty animal and human caricatures, and an ornate balustrade with tall and elaborate sculptured dormers above. The gallery on the left was given special treatment with pointed arches enriched with crocketed blind ogees, and the horizontal with vertical courses which make a dense grid on the first floor.
In the dormer of the gallery is the first evidence in Paris of the north Italian classicism imported to Gaillon during these years, with the square pilasters which rise at left and right of the pediment Fig. The open arcade of the gallery gave shelter for servants and stores, but its main use was as an access to the stable court which was one of the chambers of the Roman baths adjacent.
The entrance screen is only a token gesture of defence, and its height was calculated to allow a view from the street of the house's crown of cornice and dormers. Where a host greeted his guest would be decided upon according to the rank of the visitor. It is not possible to be certain that the first floor contained the fine reception rooms and the private rooms of Jacques d'Amboise, but with the chapel and gallery at this level, this floor was surely the piano nobile , with the ground floor for guest rooms and offices, with service functions in the ground floor of the right lateral block.
In plan, the chapel is almost square, with a central pillar supporting elaborate flamboyant rib vaults Fig In the upper tier of the walls are intricately carved canopied niches where there were statues of members of the Amboise family instead of saints or martyrs, but private chapels or family chapels in churches were often used. The Venetian ambassador reported in that '. When that happens one has to decamp quickly, above all when it is the house of a great lord. This has happened during my own time here to the Papal Nuncio Salviati, who was forced to move three times within the space of two months.
At least a quarter of a century of Paris' domestic architecture remains obscure, with only a small number of interesting buildings known from seventeenth- and eighteenth-century plans. The inventory of the contents of his house in the rue des Bourdonnais and of his country properties covers folios which list about 2, objects, and is a valuable social document which describes the use of each room of the house and their fittings and furniture. This inventory provides detailed proof of the role of the staircase as a means of access and of partition. Pierre le Gendre built his house both as a home and as a work place with, on a floor level below the first leg of the gallery which connects with the entrance wing, Fig.
People with business at the house might only glimpse the door of the private apartments up another flight of the spiral from the offices. At the time of his death le Gendre's house was packed with furniture, tapestries and objects d'art, especially the apartments of the ground and first floors of the corps de logis which were replete with luxury goods of all. The inventory lists numerous oak chests and caskets dispersed around the house, for the regal quantities of his clothes and other valuables. The first-floor gallery which ran from above the bank to a chapel at the far end of the entrance wing was the only part of the house left sparsely furnished with a solitary settle.
The contrast between the austerity of the street front Fig. The gateway on to the rue des Bourdonnais was framed by a bizarre com-. Each of the six horizontal decorative layers of the tourelle Fig. On the first leg of the gallery Fig. Unfortunately nothing is known of the garden front; the reconstructions of portions of the courtyard published by Albert Lenoir are meticulous but are not wholly reliable when compared with the surviving fragments, and his conjectures on the roof lines and dormer pediments are reasonable and now cannot be disproved or corrected.
The site of the house was long but it was not narrow with a street frontage of just under twenty-five metres in width, and allowed for a spacious court and garden. In houses where space was limited, kitchens would be housed in the basement of a lateral wing of the corps de logis , and horses might be stabled in the vicinity. Le Gendre had built a comprehensive set of service buildings for kitchens, stables and servants' quarters, and judging from the quantities of kitchen equipment listed in the inventory, he could have entertained lavishly in his splendid house.
The rue des Bourdonnais was amongst the most prestigious streets in the capital in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, as the rue de Grenelle and the rue de Varenne in the faubourg Saint-Germain were to become the addresses of the richest and royal in the eighteenth century. The dormers and the projecting angle turret were covered with intricate carving, and the royal and moral kudos of the Chambre des Comptes was celebrated by the set of five statues in the niches on the first floor which showed Louis XII in company with the four Cardinal Virtues, Temperance, Prudence, Justice and Fortitude.
The long arcaded-staircase ramp was used for processions and ceremonies including royal proclamations. The building was burnt out and demolished in , and none of the decorations or sculpture was retained to give us a clearer idea of its style and quality than can be gleaned from Israel Sylvestre's engraving.
The top two floors seen in Lenoir's vignette could be the result of a mutilation of the elevation in the eighteenth century, for the house is known to have been split up for multiple occupancy by the mid eighteenth century. The date of the architecture of the terrace cannot be fixed, but the detail of a spandrel from the arcade facing the river published by Lenoir shows that it was in an unadulterated Italian style, unlike any French building of the first half of the sixteenth century. A shallow cutting into the.
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The clarity and elegance of these Doric arcades made a strange contrast to the solid defensive corner turrets from an earlier building phase, and to the keep which would have excluded sunlight from the terrace. Without an exact dating for the terrace arcades, it is not possible to say which of the early sixteenth-century owners of the house was responsible for this precocious stylistic alteration. The addition of the suffix 'des Ursins' to the family name of Jouvenal came about in the early fifteenth century as a deliberate and bogus attempt to link the Jouvenals with one of the oldest families of Rome, the Orsini.
The Italian coat of arms depicted by Lenoir in one of the spandrels is not an Orsini coat of arms, but more closely resembles the arms of the noble Venetian family of Foscarini, but this heraldic signature on the building has not been deciphered. The transition from the flamboyant Gothic style to the fashion for classical motifs can be illustrated by the decoration of angle turrets, in which Paris was once rich but now is poor.
It has been claimed that the Renaissance was the only architectural revolution which did not bring with it any technical changes or reforms. Inside, this turret there was in Lenoir's day magnificent inlaid panelling, and such luxurious fittings show that a feature which was originally for a house's defence, a place from which to watch the street, had become a place for privacy and comfort.
Jean de Vignolles, a notary and Royal secretary, applied to the Parlement de Paris in for permission to build a projecting angle turret on his house at the corner of the rue Saint-Denis and the Aubry-le-Boucher opposite the future Fontaine des Innocents, and he described his proposal in patriotic terms, '.
Pierre le Gendre died without children, and his fortune passed to the Neufville Villeroy family,  which provided three generations of secretaries of state to the Valois Kings. The main staircase was the spiral in the square angle-pavilion in the left of the court, from which there was access to all levels of the main block and to the gallery, but which at ground-floor level, shown by the plan, partitioned off the agglomerate of the ancillary buildings behind. The site was irregular, but the main block was placed almost half way down the plot, beyond which was the broader regular expanse of the garden.
The curious hybrid decoration of candelabra pilasters, medallions and vegetable motifs of the house on the rue Saint-Paul, is a kind of ornament more usually found on furniture and on altarpiece frames. This substantial house is the only known Parisian example of the use of the old and the new style together, but there must have been others. It was demolished about , and no early documents concerning it have been found in the archives, no plan has come to light, and only one partial view of it from a distance shows its elaborate classical elevations. The shell in the curved pediment might have been intended as a symbol of Venus, an amusing landmark announcing the residence of the most favoured Royal mistress.
The engraving shows two pavilions on the quayside connected by a tall screen wall, behind which must have been a second courtyard. It would be interesting to know if the second court was the main court, or whether the furthest angle pavilion was built to make a symmetrical composition of the river front, and abutted on to service buildings or stables, rather than a wing of the scale of that shown in the engraving.
A long building one room deep with a central staircase, an enfilade leading from either side of the stairs suitable for an arrangement of presence chambers, antechamber and private apartments in the pavilions, is the plan of a house for a great personage familiar from the mid sixteenth century onwards all over northern Europe. It is possible that it should have been considered in the next chapter on 'Royal Building' where there is nothing to discuss between the proclamation of and the appointment of Lescot as architect for the Louvre in Their patronage of the arts in general remains to be studied, but as paymasters for the official royal entries, with their temporary architectural set-pieces of triumphal arches, fountains and perspectives, they provided occasions and opportunities for stylistic innovations from the leading architects and sculptors.
The example of the cities of Flanders was studied for the organization of publicly-funded urban projects and persuaded the King and his minister of the advantages of brick over the traditional range of stone used in Paris. The thirty-four houses in each row consisted of a cellar, a shop with a narrow stair passage at the right leading up to two floors of accommodation one room wide, and an attic under the gable. The luxury trades like shops on main thoroughfares, and the municipality's speculative building on the Pont Notre-Dame attracted good rents from goldsmiths.
In early sixteenth-century Paris this type of tall, narrow house was common on the main arteries, but it was the uniformity of the houses on the Pont Notre-Dame which excited contemporaries' admiration,  and this uniformity was protected by the council who forbade any alterations by tenants. The lightness of the houses' structures was in part influenced by the need not to make the bridge unstable with a heavy superstructure but, equally important, was economy and the speed of building. Single-bay terraced houses with an arcade of shops was the formula for the only other municipal speculative development whose appearance is.
The builder was the city's master mason, Guillaume Guillain, whose design was vetted carefully or casually by a panel of experts, which included the designer of the Louvre, Pierre Lescot, in The principal structural difference is the change from roof gables to a continuous pitched roof. The bond of monarch with his capital is celebrated by the pairs of royal arms in the centre with those of the City of Paris over to the left and right, and to please Henri II further are the emblems of Diana, the bows and crescents over the second-floor windows in tribute to his mistress Diane de Poitiers.
The only truly classical features were in the ground-floor arcade with its pillars, block capitals, key stones, oval oculii and triangular pediments over the doors. Above, the windows of the two main floors have mouldings with ears or lugs breaking out at the top sides, which are simplifications of those designed by Lescot for the ground floor of the Louvre. It was natural for a body whose roots were in the merchant guilds to build economical and practical premises for trades, rather than involve itself in residential developments of the more prestigious and risky kind.
Their obligations in the sphere of building were with building and maintaining bridges and quaysides, the maintenance and improvement of roads and fountains, the enforcement of building standards and by-laws, rather than with any truly urbanistic notions of the architectural renovation of a quarter of the city as a whole. At a meeting on the 29 November the 'Bureau de la Ville' told the Governor of Paris of their intention to build, and the King promptly assured them of funds. Correctly, no order stands above the Corinthian of the ground floors, and niches with statues filled the spaces of the main floor, but this may not have been the first architect's intention for the central section of the main floor and the left-hand pavilion above the archway were only completed under Henri IV.
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