In reality, the provisions of the Protocol were mainly ignored. Even before the Treaty of Amsterdam entered into force on 1 May , the European Council in had identified institutional reform as an issue of primary concern. Then, in June , it agreed to hold an IGC the following year to address the key institutional questions. In July , a matter of weeks after the Amsterdam European Council, the Commission had published Agenda , its blueprint for enlargement. Following its recommendations, the Luxembourg European Council, in December , agreed to launch an inclusive accession process with all applicant states except Turkey , but to open accession negotiations proper with only six of the applicants.
It was felt at the time that six new members could be squeezed into the EU without necessarily holding an IGC. Opening up the possibility of large-scale enlargement made the need to address the Amsterdam leftovers more urgent. Hence an IGC was called. The IGC opened in February with a limited agenda.
Most member states preferred to focus on the Amsterdam leftovers. Others, as well as the Commission and the EP, favoured a broader agenda. Strong support was voiced for a reorganization of the treaties and the integration of the Western European Union WEU into the EU as a step towards a common defence policy. By this time, however, certain member states were beginning to think more openly about the future of the EU. And for many reasons the answer Europeans will have to give, if they want to do well by themselves and their children, can only be this: onwards to the completion of European integration.
A step backwards, even just standstill or contentment with what has been achieved, would demand a fatal price of all EU member states and of all those who want to become members; it would demand a fatal price above all of our people …. The task ahead of us will be anything but easy and will require all our strength; in the coming decade we will have to enlarge the EU to the east and south-east, and this will in the end mean a doubling in the number of members.
Enlargement will render imperative a fundamental reform of the European institutions. Just what would a European Council with 30 heads of state and government be like? Thirty presidencies? How long will Council meetings actually last?
Days, maybe even weeks? How, with the system of institutions that exists today, are 30 states supposed to balance interests, take decisions and then actually act? Question upon question, but there is a very simple answer: the transition from a union of states to full parliamentarization as a European Federation, something Robert Schuman demanded 50 years ago. And that means nothing less than a European Parliament and a European government which really do exercise legislative and executive power within the Federation. This Federation will have to be based on a constituent treaty.
Many of the proposals were too ambitious for the IGC, in which progress was already proving to be slow, not least due to major differences on how best to deal with the Amsterdam leftovers. The situation was not helped by the heavy-handed manner in which France, holding the Council presidency, was managing the IGC, purportedly abusing its position to promote essentially a French agenda rather than seeking to broker compromises between the member states.
At no point were the accusations louder than at the Nice European Council, which, after more than four days, eventually agreed a treaty. Once tidied up, the Treaty of Nice was signed on 26 February What the member states agreed at Nice attracted much criticism.
Although it was rightly heralded as paving the way for enlargement, for many it produced suboptimal solutions to the institutional challenges increased membership raised. On the former, QMV was extended to nearly 40 more Treaty provisions, albeit in many instances ones concerned with the nomination of officials rather than policy-making, although some ten policy areas did see increased use of QMV.
Reaching a decision using QMV did not, though, become any easier. Despite a reweighting of votes—each member state saw its number of votes increase, with the larger member states enjoying roughly a trebling and the smaller member states roughly a doubling—the proportion of votes required to obtain a qualified majority remained at almost the same level as before and was actually set to increase. Provision was also made for a staged reduction in the size of the Commission.
From , each member state would have one Commissioner. Then, once the EU admitted its 27th member, the next Commission would comprise a number of members less than the total number of member states, provided an equitable rotation system had been agreed. Staying with the institutions, the cap on the size of the EP was revised p. Reforms were also introduced to the competences and organization of the European Court of Justice and the Court of First Instance see Chapter The imminence of enlargement to fairly young democracies in CEE, coupled with an awareness of existing institutional difficulties, also accounted for an enhanced stress on democracy and rights.
Enhanced cooperation could also now be used for non-military aspects of the CFSP. All of this opened up the possibility of the EU becoming a less uniform entity. However, the Treaty of Nice also gave the EU a greater sense of coherence. It also increased the focus on Brussels as the de facto capital of the EU. With enlargement, all European Council meetings would be held in Brussels. Integration-minded MEPs were quick to express their concerns, voicing particular criticism of the perceived drift towards intergovernmentalism and the consequent weakening of the Community method.
The member states did, with a new Treaty, however, set in motion a process that drew on the speeches made by Fischer et al to promote a debate on the future of the EU see Chapter 3. To some, the Commission especially, this would provide an opportunity to create a stronger, more integrated EU with a less fragmented structure.
It was but the latest stage in a larger process. The history of European integration is a history of competing preferences and ambitions, primarily of states but also of institutional and other actors. The early years of integration, with its multiplicity of organizations and efforts to establish more reflected the tensions that existed between supporters of bold new supranational forms of political organization and those limiting their perspectives to looser, less ambitious forms of intergovernmental cooperation.
During the s, the s, and the s, few ambitions beyond the establishment of the Communities, their supranational institutions and some of the original policy goals were realized. Initially, there was as much division within Western Europe as there was unity, not least because of differing attitudes p. Divisions were gradually overcome as the Communities enlarged, but differences on what forms integration should take, what areas it should cover, and in which directions it should go persisted, and still do today. From the mids, however, treaty reform and intergovernmental conferences ICGs became almost permanent items on the agenda of the EU.
As a result, the EU was established and evolved in a variety of ways: the member states agreed to expand the range of policies in which the EU has a competence to act; they adjusted the decision-making powers of the institutions; and they embarked on some major integration projects—notably EMU and the adoption of the euro in , and enlargement that has since brought the membership to Consequently, the EU assumed, during its first decade, many of the characteristics of a union.
For some, it soon resembled, or was deemed to be becoming, a superstate.
Thereby they forged relations which, though unequal, benefited themselves as well as the foreigners. ABSTRACT: The aquaculture sector is diverse, encompassing traditional artisanal and family operations, medium-scale fish-farm businesses and multinational mariculture enterprises. Various methods have been derived to classify economies. Economic History Review 61, no. The Role of Migration in Population Development At the regional level, migration can be split into two components: internal migration between regions within each country and international migration from and to other countries the sum of intra- and extra-Europe migration. If policies are oriented towards regional cohesion, these disparities narrow Lanzieri
Yet for many, particularly supporters of political union, it has always been a much looser and more fluid organization than its name suggests. Its initial pillar structure—which would eventually disappear with the Treaty of Lisbon—embodied a complex mix of intergovernmental cooperation and supranational integration that brought together, in various combinations, a range of supranational institutions and the member states to further a variety of policy agendas.
Adding to the complexity, and reflective of the tensions which persisted between member states over integration, were the various opt-outs that Denmark, Ireland, and the UK introduced, notably regarding certain JHA matters and in particular Schengen, as well as the differentiated integration created by EMU and the emergence of the eurozone. Moreover, successive rounds of treaty reform sought to facilitate a more multi-speed EU through the introduction and refinement of mechanisms for enhanced cooperation. All of this raised questions about how uniform the EU was and would be in the future.
What the various rounds of treaty reform also reveal, however, is that the EU and its member states were aware of the challenges raised by its complex structure and procedures, particularly in the light of enlargement. There was, and there remains, considerable difference of opinion. As the next chapter shows, several reforms have made the EU more like the union that its name implies. However, since its establishment in , it has been, and remains, a complex—indeed messy—evolving mix of supranationalism, intergovernmentalism, and differentiated forms of integration.
Why did it prove difficult to secure the establishment of supranational forms integration in the years immediately following the end of the Second World War? Do opt-outs and mechanisms for enhanced cooperation undermine the EU as a union? What impact did the Treaty of Amsterdam have on the pillar structure of the EU? Why did the Intergovernmental Conference fail to adopt the institutional reforms necessary to prepare the EU for enlargement? Did the Treaty of Nice prepare the EU adequately for enlargement? To what extent has the EU been characterized structurally by a complex mix of supranationalism, intergovernmentalism, and differentiated forms of integration?
Dedman, M. Find this resource:. Dinan, D. Laursen, F. Lynch, P.
The European Union European Union Politics 5th edn. Read More. Subscriber sign in. Forgot password? Don't have an account? Sign in via your Institution. Sign in with your library card. Search within Introduction Part 1 The Historical Context 2. The European Union: Establishment and Development 3. Neo-functionalism 5. Intergovernmentalism 6. Theorizing the European Union after Integration Theory 7. Governance in the European Union 8. Europeanization Part 3 Institutions and Actors 9.
The European Commission The European Parliament The Court of Justice of the European Union Policy-making in the European Union EU External Relations Enlargement The Single Market The Area of Freedom, Security, and Justice Economic and Monetary Union The Common Agricultural Policy Environmental Policy Part 5 Issues and Debates Greater wealth was accumulated by landowners at the same time that fewer farmhands were needed to work the land.
The accumulated capital and abundant cheap labour created by this revolution in agriculture fueled the development of the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century. The revolution had its beginnings in northern England in the s with the development of water-driven machinery to spin and weave wool and cotton.
By mid-century James Watt had developed a practical steam engine that emancipated machinery from sites adjacent to waterfalls and rapids. Britain had been nearly deforested by this time, and the incessant demand for more fuel to run the engines led to the increased exploitation of coal. Factories were built on the coalfields to minimize the cost of transporting coal over long distances. The increasingly surplus rural population flocked to the new manufacturing areas. Canals and other improvements in the transportation infrastructure were made in these regions, which made them attractive to other industries that were not necessarily dependent on coal, and thus prompted development in adjacent regions.
Industrialization outside England began in the 19th century in Belgium and northeastern France and spread to Germany , the Netherlands, southern Scandinavia , and other areas in conjunction with the construction of railways. By the s the governments of the European nations had recognized the vital importance of factory production and had taken steps to encourage local development through subsidies and tariff protection against foreign competition.
Large areas, however, remained virtually untouched by industrial development, including most of the Iberian Peninsula , southern Italy , a broad belt of eastern Europe extending from the Balkans northward to the Baltic Sea , and Finland and northern Scandinavia. During the 20th century Europe experienced periods of considerable economic growth and prosperity, and industrial development proliferated much more widely throughout the continent.
Moreover, governmental protectionism, which tended to restrict the potential market for products, deprived many companies of the efficiencies of large-scale production serving a mass market. Manufacturing also showed great regional disparity. Lower value-added manufacturing e. Meanwhile, the rise in service-sector employment helped to compensate for a loss of manufacturing jobs, while it also contributed to the growth of urban regions.
Many metropolitan areas, particularly in western Europe, have become national and international centres of specialized business and high-technology services. Within some individual countries there continue to be tensions between regions that have prospered and those that have not. Lessening such disparity continues to be a priority for national governments as well as the EU. Arable land in Europe covers less than one-third of the total area, a favourable comparison, for example, with the United States about one-fifth.
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A semi-annual report on recent economic developments and economic policies in the Western Balkans Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia , this edition looks at the economic performance and outlook for the Western Balkans region and specific factors that affect growth prospects. Public spending is dominated by large public wage bills and untargeted social programs. It is vital to build reform momentum to ensure foundations for future growth.
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Dec 3, - War II, initially by six Western European countries, to promote peace, security, an improved economic situation in the EU since , economic pressures and societal changes Such trends have complicated the EU's ability .. share a customs union; a single market in which goods, services, people. Changes and Developments Erdener Kaynak. Pasco, M. (). Euro-youth: Myth or Reality? Admap, 36(6), Richter, T. (). Marketing Mix.