But then she added that the government would help such dismissed people to find other employment in the private sector. This beggars belief, since the PQ has said the charter interdictions would apply to private firms doing business with the government, and Marois had earlier encouraged private businesses to fall in line with the charter provisions. Both the Quebec Human Rights Commission and the provincial bar association have declared that the discriminatory legislation is manifestly unconstitutional.
The government has long maintained it has ironclad legal advice to the contrary, but it has never made these opinions public. Nor has the government come up with any studies or other justificatory evidence in support of the repressive measures included in the charter. It maintained it was necessary to assure the secularism of the state, when this has long been an entrenched fact. Ditto equality between men and women. It was argued the charter would unite Quebecers, when it has had the contrary effect, splitting public opinion down the middle and inciting displays of intolerance against women wearing head scarves.
It is not surprising that the PQ has failed to make a coherent case for the charter, since there was never a rational argument for it, other than as a wedge issue to secure its re-election and to advance the separatist cause. The reason is simple. Our social cohesion, and the protection of our democratic values depends strongly on the fidelity we evidence towards the rule of law and due process, which fidelity obliges elected officials to work within established parameters — within the rules of the game if you like — that protect the equity and equality of all citizens. Just about everything has by now been said about the merits of the proposed Quebec Charter of Values, including some utterances that would have been better left unsaid.
This co-opting of liberal values essentially confuses the concept of secularism. There is little difference between a Muslim imposing Muslim dress on a non-Muslim, and an atheist demanding all Muslim women go bareheaded. Some advocates of Bill 60 appear less concerned with progressivism, or even secularism, than with fending off the perceived encroachment of religious mainly Muslim fundamentalism.
Our ancestors have fought to survive for years. We suffered enough from the Catholic Church. Commission president Jacques Fremont said the bill foreshadows a sharp decline in individual rights and freedoms and would likely create the perfect climate for more conflict and litigation in Quebec society. It concludes that much of the proposed legislation would have to be heavily modified before it could be deemed compliant with the Quebec Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Quebec Inclusif, the assembly of sovereignists and federalists opposed to the Charter, is asking Premier Pauline Marois to put the Justice Minister in charge of the Charter of Values.
A secular state does not mean one in which religion has no place, rather, it is designed to guarantee freedom for religion not freedom from religion and religious expression. First, the separation of religion and state is there to protect both the freedom of religion and avoid a theocratic state. Religion is and should remain a private and community affair.
The state should be neutral. Granted that the present version of the proposed Quebec charter is poorly worded and may lead to excesses, but we should not, for this sole reason, reject its underlying principles. It often leads to conflict. The way to avoid ethnic strife is to have a completely a-religious state and to clearly separate what is in the public domain and what should be private beliefs.
In Canada all cultures should not be equal. Canadian culture must be deemed more important than the immigrant ones. By extension, this should be true for Quebec, Ontario, Maritime and Western variants of this homegrown Canadian culture. Multiculturalism is good, but transculturalism is better. What is transculturalism? Like fusion cuisine, it is the blending of elements within a core base. With more than hours set aside for the submissions, the hearings will last several weeks and could become a backdrop to an early spring election.
Some groups and individuals have influenced the debate, even though they may not appear before the committee. The only way Mr. At a news conference on Nov. Quebec Inclusif has published an online manifesto to publically explain its reasoning for denouncing the tabled legislation.
Des histoires du Québec selon Jean-François Lisée (French Edition) - Kindle edition by L'actualité, Jean-François Lisée. Download it once and read it on your . Jean-François Lisée is a Quebec nationalist politician who served as the leader of the Parti was a reporter in Paris and Washington for both Canadian and French media. Des histoires du Québec selon Jean-François Lisée. Montréal: Les Éditions Rogers; Le petit tricheur: Robert Bourassa derrière le masque.
MNAs are now included among those covered by the dress code. If an MNA wishes to wear a religious symbol, there must be unanimous consent from the National Assembly. The National Assembly will conduct a consultation to decide whether the crucifix will remain adorned on the wall of the chamber. Anyone doing any sort of business with the state, even on a contractual basis, is expected to adhere to the charter.
Each public or para-public institution must have its own set of rules governing accommodation requests. Public institutions must adopt policies to implement the charter, and post those policies on their websites. The law spells out what happens to those who violate the charter: they must be spoken to by their supervisors before a disciplinary measure is taken. It would be up to the individual institutions to decide on disciplinary measures. Religious food is banned from daycares if its aim is to teach children about religion.
What has changed : The primacy of the French language is added to the amendment of the Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms that designates the equality of men and women and the separation of religions and the state as fundamental values. Originally, the proposed charter had envisioned granting a five-year exemption that would have been renewable for some institutions, such as the Jewish General Hospital, where many employees wear religious garb.
Now, every public or parapublic institution has a transition period of one year to implement the charter. Municipalities, as well as colleges and health institutions, can be granted an additional four years to implement the policy, but they must detail in writing to the government how they intend to conform to the law by the end of that period.
A good number of the institutions that would be impacted by the charter have irreconcilable differences with the imposition of a secular dress code on their workers. Otherwise sovereigntist-friendly labour unions such as the FTQ have warned that if the dress code comes to pass they may end up challenging it in court on behalf of some of their members. Some feminists embrace the PQ plan; others totally dislike it. Past PQ premiers such as Jacques Parizeau and Lucien Bouchard oppose it but it has inspired no public dissent in the ranks of the government.
Every wave of foreigner to the shores of Quebec has brought with it a cuisine. When tacos and curries show up at potlucks, can they still be called ethnic? Quebec National Assembly prepares for charter hearings. Concordia is proud to participate actively in the public life of Quebec. No matter that most of his ideas are ignored or ridiculed, PQ chiefs know that keeping this diehard sovereigntist on the inside is far safer than letting him run loose on the outside, where his critiques and constant provocation can cause them more trouble.
The proposed Charter of Quebec Values … bears his imprint in substance and style. Idem pour le voile islamique ou pour le turban sikh. David Morris , an endocrinologist at the Royal Victoria Hospital, told Rinfret during question period. The diagnosis was confirmed Monday when the principal architects of the Charter of Quebec Values wrote to the New York Times to defend their project and portrayed themselves as successors to none other than Thomas Jefferson.
What made the statement so extraordinary is not only the threat itself but also the stature of the institution making it, its tone, its timing and its possible implications. On Friday, the McGill University Health Centre said it will continue to defend the right of its staff to wear religious symbols, though it stopped short of saying it, too, would ignore the ban.
A refusal by even one major hospital to enforce the ban, however, could make it politically impossible for the government to make other institutions enforce it. Lawrence Rosenberg, the newly appointed executive director of the Jewish General, said the hospital will not even consider using the exemption clause in Bill Anti-immigrant sentiment exists across Canada. Yet Quebec is the only province with a political party willing to exploit that sentiment for political gain.
Will it work? Pierre Moreau, the Liberal house leader, said the first-reading vote only means the assembly agrees to consider the bill and cannot be considered a confidence motion. But following assembly practice, Bill 58 was adopted on first reading without opposition. It must pass second reading, approval in principle and third reading, after clause-by-clause study during which the opposition parties can propose amendments before it becomes law. Those I have met — including those born here who went to French schools, as well as many from French-speaking North Africa — want to stay here.
But now some are considering eventually leaving Quebec for another province. These women pointed out that they experienced little discrimination in Quebec before the arrival of the proposed charter of Quebec values — which they feel is specifically targeting Muslim women. Mireille Silcoff: Why I have faith in medical treatment delivered by the religiously devout National Post … even if you know absolutely nothing about religion, or even if you think a man in a turban is a brainwashed person out to get you with his freaky God glue, you might, for just one second, in a situation of hardship, also understand that all head coverings are a sign of humbleness, in some form or another.
They are a sign of service to something other than yourself.
The simple fact the government does not know the demographics of the sample gender, language, age and region is proof their analysis cannot be considered representative. PQ says public loves the values charter Canadian Press The Quebec government says it has heard from the public on its controversial values charter — and is ready to adapt the plan as a result.
He says only 18 per cent were opposed. On Tout le monde en parle Sunday, Bertrand said television host Julie Snyder invited her to meet with a group of about 20 women of all ages to discuss the charter, and she offered to write the letter on their behalf. Bertrand said Sunday that she had put her foot in her mouth when she made that statement, and denied that she is xenophobic.
Virtually none of us question the importance of free speech or assembly, or the right to privacy or security of the person. We accept that these rights are not absolute, and that when one of them rubs up against another in a particular context, a choice between them must be made.
Yet the essential value of these freedoms is all-but-universally acknowledged, even when limits are imposed. When it comes to freedom of religion, however, recent history has shown a tendency to view this right as less legitimate than other rights. Radio and TV host, Janette Bertrand, recruited nearly 20 famous women to defend the charter, including, actress Denise Filiatrault, television producer Julie Snyder, writer Djemila Benhabib and film producer Denise Robert.
By promoting what amounts to a policy of institutionalized discrimination in the public service, runs this line, the PQ is breaking faith with its own traditions of tolerance and open-mindedness. Thus is the party exonerated, even as it is being convicted. It is some other PQ, an imposter perhaps. Because of that and because of his enduring status as the elder statesman of the sovereignty movement, Parizeau could have weighed in on the charter from a phone booth and his take on it would still have resonated.
But his intervention — couched as it is in a nonconfrontational, pedagogical tone — was clearly designed with maximum exposure to the largest possible public in mind. The op-ed piece was published not in the brainy, sovereignist-friendly Le Devoir but in the widely circulated Quebecor tabloids. That contention was supported by one-on-one radio and television interviews on a string of prime time programs.
Une mise au point. Du moins pas directement. Comme le remarque le Professeur James T. Selon David P. Mais dans le volet politique, existent aussi des rapprochements. Comme le remarque le Professeur Marcelo G. Le Professeur James R. Charte des Nations Unies. Enfin, quant au Royaume-Uni, si le gouvernement britannique a. Loi constitutionnelle de Il convient ici de distinguer le cas des anglophones de celui des. In that sense they too, as individuals, are holders of the right of self-determination. But minorities as such do not have a right of selfdetermination. That means, in effect, that they have no right to secession, independence, or to join with comparable groups in other States.
Conclusion de la 2e partie. Est-ce choquant pour le juriste? The content of the concept is predetermined by the changing demands and necessities of the social life of mankind and should not be rigidly prescribed by the law once and forever. Or, cet. Pigeon Timber Co. CRTC, [ ] 2 R. II, ch. AG NU, 25e sess. En effet, les Gibraltariens souhaitent rester dans le giron britannique.
AG XV , Doc. AG NU, 15e sess. No 16, Doc. Ganshof Van der Meersch, t. Waterloo, Ont. II, c. Attorney-General for Canada, [ ] A. White, 74 US 1 Wall. It is to be distinguished from a consensual process by which a State confers independence on a particular territory and people by legislative or other means, a process which may be referred to as devolution or the grant of independence. Gouvernement de la Saskatchewan, [ ] 2 R.