The idea is spreading quickly. She points to the widespread opposition to mining projects in Guatemala, Peru, Chile and other Latin American countries — and to the growing resistance in Brazil to deforestation of the Amazon. The number of working hours in France has actually been slowly increasing since We need to replace egoism with altruism, competition with co-operation and obsessive performance with leisure.
But values are systemic — they are both cause and effect. Without a radical questioning of the system, the value change will remain limited.
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They are therefore excluded from the analyses that follow. Moreover, we should point out that, by choosing FUAs as our geographical frame of reference, reflecting the functional as opposed to administrative, political or physical definition of a city, the internal heterogeneity of processes of decline is not taken into account, which can have the effect of masking periurbanization dynamics — and yet these dynamics play a key role in driving processes of decline in urban centres. This no doubt partly explains the difficulty involved in getting urban shrinkage on to the political agenda.
If we consider only people in employment, the figures have also gone in different directions in different FUAs: it has increased by These decreases in the number of people in work are not, however, homogeneous among shrinking FUAs: they vary between In both cases, the number of unemployed individuals has increased. The situation is particularly unfavourable for those FUAs that have been losing population since or i.
In the remaining declining FUAs i. The reduction in the working population in declining FUAs should be considered alongside changes in the amount of work on offer in these areas, here measured in terms of the number of jobs in a particular labour marketplace. Only FUAs in sustained decline stand out, owing to a lower decrease in the number of manufacturing jobs and a greater increase in the number of public administration and business services jobs. This distinction can, however, be explained in part by the choice of geographical scale of analysis: by choosing FUAs, the internal heterogeneity of the processes in question is masked.
Here, we can see the effects of the transformations of labour marketplaces observed since the s and s, particularly in manufacturing, whereby jobs have moved out of city centres in favour of locations on the outskirts of cities Girard Similarly, while the number of manufacturing jobs has decreased to a lesser extent in these FUAs than elsewhere, this is essentially because of the significant increases recorded in these periurban communities. The economic difficulties of declining FUAs can in part be explained by their industrial pasts.
Firstly, while cities used to be places of depopulation 9 , they now start to register a positive — sometimes high — rate of natural population increase. Anselm Jappe. Illich 82 The snail's abandonment of geometrical reason, which it, too, adopted for a while, points the way to a 'de-growth' society, and perhaps a serene and convivial society. A Concrete Utopia 4 1 activities, the sensation of having found time to play, con- template, meditate, enjoy conversations or quite simply to enjoy being alive. Bacher -.
For example, while the industrial sector is shrinking overall in France, with a However, despite this slowdown in the industrial sector, the proportion of manufacturing jobs is still higher in these cities than in growing FUAs. For example, in cities with halted decline, the industrial sector still accounts for twice as many jobs as in growing FUAs Jobs in sectors such as construction and public works, transport, logistics, maintenance and repairs, and farming are also overrepresented, whereas sectors like distribution and services are less dynamic. In the case of shrinking FUAs, another factor also comes into play, namely a significant decrease in the number of individuals aged 20 to In these areas, the rate of natural increase dropped from 5.
In , some 3 out of every 10 people in work in shrinking cities were manual workers, compared to just 2 in 10 in other FUAs.
The fact that more women go into higher education and are more employable in the tertiary sector, on the one hand, and the fact that men are more strongly associated with the industrial component of the labour market, on the other, probably explain how these situations arise. In this respect, the inadequacy of university structures — or, more specifically, the mismatch between the courses on offer and local demand — could be contributing both to the lack of attractiveness of declining cities and the transformation of their demographic structures.
In FUAs in halted decline, which in stood out most from the other area profiles, the sex ratio in the 15—24 age group was very similar, in , to ratios observed in growing FUAs.
Accordingly, we can put forward the hypothesis that this gendered dimension can also be found in the process of resurgent demographic growth, as, since , women in the youngest age groups, who previously tended to leave these cities, are more frequently choosing to stay. Today, it seems increasingly difficult to separate the analysis of migratory and natural population changes when seeking to understand the trajectories of French shrinking cities.
While the ageing of the population could certainly create new jobs in local services, particularly involving the provision of personal care Cornuau and Devetter , the limited development of the tertiary sector in shrinking cities means that the same will probably not be true with regard to business services, which are broadly underrepresented in these areas, owing to the paucity of higher metropolitan functions and the scarcity of jobs in innovative sectors with high growth potential.
As for the gendered differentiation of mobility patterns, this is something that risks creating imbalances on the matrimonial market, which could in turn lead to a drop in birth rates, reinforcing the demographic decline of these cities.
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