A fantastic approach on the "curse of Ham" and the forced biblical parallels between skin color and slavery that crossed the ocean with afro-descendants on the continent. Actually these topics interested me much. In the future I will read Goldenberg which deals specifically about the issue. I recommend. Bo Mance rated it really liked it Jul 09, Darron Hubbard rated it liked it Sep 27, Tracy rated it liked it Oct 03, Madison rated it really liked it Nov 08, Darlene Campos rated it it was amazing Feb 21, Andy Adler rated it liked it Nov 07, Joshua rated it liked it Apr 02, Jesse More rated it liked it Apr 08, Jacob rated it really liked it Jan 02, Larry Espana rated it really liked it May 30, Artur Lipian rated it it was amazing Jun 24, Alex Miller rated it it was amazing Mar 06, Igor Lima rated it it was amazing Sep 19, John rated it really liked it Dec 06, Rebecca rated it really liked it Jan 22, Emily rated it it was ok Nov 20, Louis rated it liked it May 08, Tommy rated it it was amazing Apr 09, Jeff rated it really liked it Mar 12, Miranda rated it it was amazing Apr 21, Karen rated it really liked it Aug 03, Patrick Gabon rated it it was amazing Aug 17, Jennifer rated it it was amazing Oct 20, Mike rated it it was amazing Mar 13, Will rated it really liked it Sep 28, Kaila Q.
Alan Shackelford rated it really liked it Sep 26, There are no discussion topics on this book yet. About Alida C. Books by Alida C. I embraced the role of house slave when I resignated with Isaiah in Birth of a Nation because we have been cultured to compare each other's pain. I know that at the end of the day, I am privileged, I get to live. Gender, Race and Religion in the Colonization of the Americas. Nora E. When Europe introduced mechanisms to control New World territories, resources and populations, women-whether African, indigenous, mixed race, or European-responded and participated in multiple ways.
Although the Spanish American context receives particular attention here, the volume contrasts the context of both colonial Mexico and Peru to every other major geographic region that became a focus of European imperialism in the early modern period: the Caribbean, Brazil, English America, and New France. This volume adds a new dimension to current scholarship in Atlantic history through its emphasis on culture, gender and race, and through its explicit effort to link religion to the broader imperial framework of economic extraction and political domination.
Read the introduction here. Go-Betweens and the Colonization of Brazil: University of Texas Press 6 x 9 in. Alida C. Metcalf , Harris Masterson, Jr. In this innovative history, Alida Metcalf thoroughly investigates the many roles played by go-betweens in the colonization of sixteenth-century Brazil. She finds that many individuals created physical links among Europe, Africa, and Brazil —explorers, traders, settlers, and slaves circulated goods, plants, animals, and diseases.
Later he ordered the men to spend the night at the nearby Indian village. However, the Indians did not want these Portuguese young men to remain with them and several times forced the men to return to the ships. Despite these clear indications that the men were not welcome, Cabral left two degredados behind anyway. According to Caminha, the night before Cabral weighed anchor, two seamen stole a skiff, left the ship, and were not seen again.
He lost four ships after leaving Brazil when the armada had a very difficult time rounding the Cape of Good Hope. One more ship sank off the east coast of Africa. Cabral took with him an important political figure from Malindi, who was being sent to Lisbon by the ruler of a prosperous town along the Swahili coast to establish an amicable relationship with the king of Portugal. But four of the South Asian interpreters brought by the Portuguese were of such low status that they could not approach the zamorin; the Portuguese had to rely instead on one interpreter who spoke Arabic.
Since the language of communication was Arabic, the Portuguese again had to approach encounter 35 the zamorin through Muslim go-betweens, whom they mistrusted. But the exchange of letters and ambassadors did not preclude the use of force, nor did it mean that the Portuguese always intended to trade peacefully. The Portuguese aspired to monopolize the spice trade to Europe, and that required the building of forts, the arming of ships, and the patrolling of sea-lanes.
Cabral seized a Muslim ship and shelled Calicut when Muslim merchants impeded his attempts to trade. The Portuguese later would violently attack seaports, such as Goa in , Malacca in , and Hormuz in Eventually, the Portuguese built fifty forts in East Africa, India, and the Moluccas, and manned a fleet of one hundred ships to patrol the waters. The Portuguese seagoing ships naus , armed with cannons and other artillery, gave the Portuguese a critical advantage over the existing traders. Interpreters played crucial roles in the early stages of contact, but the Portuguese did not rely solely on these transactional go-betweens to maintain their commercial interests in Africa and India.
He apparently had learned of the two degredados left behind in Brazil. There is persuasive evidence that these Portuguese mariners found the degredados who had been left behind by Cabral in and that at least one was able to serve as their interpreter. The lack of an interpreter proved dangerous to the Portuguese. Seven days later, the two men had still not returned. A third man went ashore and, according to Vespucci, in full view of the men on the ships, was killed, dragged away, cooked, and eaten.
Vespucci believed this to have been the fate of the two men who had left the expedition earlier. A French expedition that reached Brazil three years later, in , likewise had a difficult time establishing contact in northern Brazil. Paulmier de Gonneville did make a second landing French leagues approximately kilometers farther along the coast, where he was able to provision the ship and trade.
It seems highly likely that wherever the expedition remained for a month, they had a degredado interpreter with them. Yet the detail of his letters suggests that the expedition did find at least one degredado who had become skilled enough in the indigenous language to serve as interpreter.
Showing Modern historians of the Americas now recognize whole classes of intermediaries. Go-betweens and the Colonization of Brazil : — Alida C. A remarkable history written by Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala [Waman Puma], an Andean Indian of the seventeenth century, includes a visual representation of the meeting between Pizarro and Atahualpa that shows the presence of the interpreter. Books by Alida C. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. No notes for slide.
One wonders if Vespucci thought the presence of a translator so obvious that it did not need to be mentioned—in other words, that his readers would assume that they had a translator with them. A letter printed in Italy in , purporting to be a copy of a letter sent by King Manuel of Portugal to the king of Castile, refers directly to the degredados left behind by Cabral in Brazil.
Pero Vaz de Caminha became a representational go-between when he wrote his letter directly to the king. This letter describes in considerable detail what he had learned from an informant from one of the ships and concludes with a list of all the goods stowed onboard. When he returned from Brazil, he wrote again, carefully describing the peoples of Brazil. After reading the letter, the ambassador, Domenico Pisani de Giovanni, promptly forwarded the letter to the Doge of Venice.
Soon after Portuguese ships began to visit India, European merchants doing business in Lisbon learned quickly about the new trading routes. Some Venetians feared that the Portuguese maritime route to India would wrest the lucrative spice trade away from them. One Florentine merchant, long resident in Lisbon, estimated in that the Portuguese could easily supply the west, meaning Europe, with spices, and even Italy, for the sea route was less expensive than the overland route through the Middle East.
Venetian merchants had built fortunes by acquiring these spices from Muslim 40 go-betweens and the colonization of brazil merchants in Cairo and Damascus and introducing them into Europe through Venice. Girolamo Priuli, a Venetian, remarked pessimistically in his diary in August and September of that the talk on the Rialto was the news of the new route that the Portuguese had navigated to the Orient and whether or not it would be the ruin of Venice. One was the Frenchman Binot Paulmier de Gonneville, who, in Lisbon in or , was amazed at the spices and other exotic goods that Portuguese merchants were unloading from their ships.
With two partners, he decided to outfit a ship, and they hired two Portuguese pilots at great expense to help the French crew find its way to India. The absence of such maps has led historians to claim that there was a royal policy of concealment. Through the shrewd agency, and perhaps bribery, of diplomatic agents and spies, the Venetian Alberto Cantino somehow managed to have an artist in Lisbon copy a Portuguese nautical chart that showed the new Atlantic discoveries of Cabral, as well as recent discoveries in India Map 2.
The map is itself extraordinary. The careful detail that it reveals about the world reflects the combined knowledge of one hundred years of Portuguese navigation and discovery. The entire coast of West Africa is clearly drawn and fully named.
This is not surprising, for Portuguese ships had sailed to such ports for decades. But the east coast of Africa, only recently navigated by Portuguese sea captains, as well as India, are also drawn in considerable and confident detail. Even more striking is the location of places that the Portuguese had not yet seen—China, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Lopes Tavares, was the first to deviate from the traditional representation of Asia based on the work of the classical geographer Ptolemy.
The map reflects the acquisition of information from Muslim pilots and traders, whom the Portuguese met in East Africa and India, about ports farther east—in China, Malaysia, and Japan. The Muslim merchants had their own 42 go-betweens and the colonization of brazil navigational strategies, which the Portuguese learned and translated into their own system. This information, deemed more important than the classical model of Asia drawn from Ptolemy, created the highly original, and far more accurate, projection of Asia.
Reflecting the Portuguese cartographic tradition, which stressed that maps should record only what was known and not imagined , only the coastline of Brazil appears on the Cantino World Map.
The mapmakers paint Brazil as a landscape of parrots and trees, but they make no effort to project it as a continent. The coastline seems to float unconnected to the islands of the Caribbean, which, by , were well known in Spain and Portugal. Brazil is located quite precisely between the equator and the Tropic of Capricorn. The placement of the Portuguese flag and the clearly drawn line of demarcation between the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries claim Brazil for Portugal. The first version, no longer visible to the naked eye, names only two places along the coast of Brazil: Porto 43 encounter Map 2.
The Cantino World Map, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Modena. Brazil as represented in the Cantino World Map, This was not particularly new information, but the recording of the exact number of ships, the amount of gold, and the value of each weight suggests the value accorded to concrete information coveted by merchants. There is much benzoim [balsam]. These legends record valuable information obtained from merchants in India and sure to be of interest for Portuguese merchants interested in trade. The letters of Amerigo Vespucci became a widely read source of information about Brazil.
Vespucci argues that the classical geographers erred in their view that there was 46 go-betweens and the colonization of brazil no continent in the Atlantic south of the equator. Because 47 encounter Map 2. Die, So, too, did some of the first visual images of the Americas. A few maps circulated to a general public, and on these maps appeared miniature scenes of the landscape and customs of the Americas and its peoples.
Woodcuts—black and white or crudely colored—accompanied the publication of letters and chronicles. Invariably, these visual images portrayed cannibalism as the defining feature of life in Brazil. The colored woodcut portrays Brazilian men, women, and children adorned with beautiful feathers around their waists and ankles, but this exotic scene also features a man gnawing on a human arm; a human head, leg, and arm hanging from the beams of a hut over an open fire; and a human leg resting on a table Fig.
They place that flesh in fire. By reducing Brazilians to simplified caricatures, it proved to be easy to rationalize their exploitation. Figure 2. Illustration depicting cannibalism, European men, serving as sailors, dominated the roles of physical gobetweens during the time of exploration and first encounters.
But not all physical go-betweens during this time were Europeans. Native Brazilians sailed across the Atlantic, as did Africans. When Columbus returned to Spain after his first voyage, he had with him at least seven Indians whom he intended to train as interpreters. An expedition to North America led by Gaspar Corte-Real returned with more than fifty men, women, and children.
Alberto Cantino wrote to his Italian patron, the Duke of Ferrara. The roles of the early physical go-betweens therefore were dominated by Europeans. This gave the Portuguese a tremendous initial advantage in their relations with the new peoples they met and with whom they intended to trade.
Thus, even when Africans and Americans became physical and transactional go-betweens, they most often did so under the control of the Portuguese. A Tupi Indian? As we have seen, the Portuguese experience in Africa directly shaped how Portuguese sea captains, merchants, and the Crown perceived Brazil. For nearly a century, the Portuguese had relied on go-betweens to explore, to encounter new peoples, and to develop trade.
Possession Kill him and eat him, the good-for-nothing, for he is indeed a Portuguese, your enemy and mine. Offshore ride two beautifully drawn Portuguese naus, the large oceangoing ships that by sailed regularly to India, each marked with the bold red crosses that symbolized the Portuguese Order of Christ, which since the days of Prince Henry the Navigator had financed and benefited from overseas trade and exploration. Between two Portuguese flags marking the northern and southern limits of Brazil, a detailed and accurately drawn coastline names more than one hundred bays, inlets, and rivers, reflecting the work of Portuguese mariners and cartographers.
Over the unknown interior of Brazil, the miniaturist presents a vignette that represents the peoples and landscape of Brazil. The flags, the ships, the naming of places all convey to the viewer the Portuguese claim to Brazil. Like other Portuguese maps in the sixteenth century, the Reinel Map simultaneously reflects two kinds of information: that delivered by the physical go-betweens—the homens do mar—who explored by sea, and that supplied by the representational go-betweens who, as cartographers, translated the collected data into a new vision of the world.
Although 56 go-betweens and the colonization of brazil Map 3. The Reinel Map, By , when the map was drawn, France and Spain competed with Portugal to claim parts of Brazil, a fact that the map minimizes. More important is the obvious fact that sea captains and cartographers had reconnoitered only the coast of Brazil; the interior was still unknown. There were hundreds of indigenous chiefs whom Europeans—whether Portuguese, French, or Spanish—had never met, and the dense coastal forests were filled with flora and fauna unfamiliar to Europeans. Brazil could be discovered, observed, and mapped, but such a representation did not translate into possession.
Possession required the presence of transactional go-betweens—who appear nowhere on this exquisite map. Choosing a palette of greens to paint the verdant forests of Brazil, and using rules of perspective to suggest the depth and height of the wooded landscape, the miniaturist re-creates Brazil as if it were a stage. On this stage appear a meandering river, cliffs, clearings, and men, parrots, monkeys, jaguars, and even a dragon. Eight men, but no women or children, are deemed important enough to be drawn; some of the men hold poses as actors might, while others are busily engaged in activity.
Four of the men might be chiefs, as evidenced by their wearing of feather headdresses, similar to crowns, and long skirts and capes fashioned from brilliant red and blue parrot feathers. Huge parrots—blue, red, and olive green—swoop down from the tree canopy. But though the trees are tall, the forests are not thick, and all the stands of trees show evidence of cutting. Four naked men are chopping, stacking, loading, and hauling enormous logs. These same people are most skillful in the use of bow and arrows. If mapmakers did not immediately perceive the importance of transactional go-betweens, practical merchants interested in the brazilwood trade quickly did.
Even a trade in a simple export, such as tree logs, required negotiation, for merchants well knew that dreams of riches required agents on the ground. The Portuguese Crown drew on its long experience in Africa to develop rules for the 58 go-betweens and the colonization of brazil brazilwood trade, as did ordinary sea captains and merchants. To facilitate first contacts, sea captains continued to use strategies that had worked well in Africa, such as seizing indigenous boys and men to train as interpreters, and leaving behind expendable European men, such as degredados.
Later, the Crown and merchants came to rely on resident middlemen in Brazil, who devised roles for themselves that resembled patterns that had emerged in Africa. As time passed, degredados and translators carved out roles for themselves that compensated for their marginal social status in the Portuguese world, and they found ways to create for themselves considerable independence and autonomy in the African world. In the early sixteenth century, the Portuguese Crown began to legislate against these traders by issuing laws and decrees that forbade unlicensed traders from the Guinea coast and banned direct trade between the Cape Verde Islands and Guinea.
Mulatto go-betweens continued to trade on a large scale, in slaves for Europeans and in goods destined for Africans—salt, cloth, possession 59 dyes, kola nuts, palm oil, and rice. Such men found themselves in Brazil for a variety of reasons: some came as agents of merchants; others, as degredados. A few deliberately jumped ship or had survived shipwrecks. All these men had to ally themselves with indigenous groups in order to survive; if they did, they had the potential to broker the economic and political relationships between coastal Indians and Europeans.
Later, men of mixed race—the Brazilian mestizos of mixed Indian and Portuguese parentage known as mamelucos— dominated this role, as mulatto men had done in Africa. The prazeiros of Mozambique are examples of transactional go-betweens who, though seeing themselves as conquistadores conquistadors for the king of Portugal, nevertheless adopted many of the cultural characteristics of the African groups with whom they intermarried.
The descendants of the prazeiros shifted their loyalties from the Portuguese world to the African and, in the nineteenth century, resisted Portuguese influence by attacking Portuguese administrative centers and Portuguese trade. The roles of transactional go-betweens in the brazilwood trade are only dimly visible in the few documents known to historians that describe the trade in the early sixteenth century.
The Portuguese Crown immediately perceived the value of the brazilwood trade and quickly decreed it to be a royal monopoly. Merchants who wished to trade for the wood had to have a contract from the king. King Manuel granted the initial rights to brazilwood in 60 go-betweens and the colonization of brazil contracts reminiscent of those granted in Africa. An Italian living in Seville in thought this news important enough that he provided details about it in a letter that described the arrival of seven ships from India that year.
A consortium of Portuguese merchants received a contract for brazilwood and slaves, Pedro Rondinelli wrote, which required them to send six ships a year to Brazil to further explore the coast and to build a fort. He writes that on his second trip to Brazil, which took place between and , he spent five months leagues approximately 1, kilometers from the Bay of All Saints, loading brazilwood and building a fort.
In this spot, he claims to have left twenty-four men behind in the fort with munitions and provisions for six months. A Venetian report on the Portuguese regulations on the spice trade, penned in , described the volume of the brazilwood trade as 20, quintais hundredweights per year, most of it destined for Flanders, Spain, and Italy, valued at 2.
The monopoly of the brazilwood trade cost the Portuguese merchant Fernando de Noronha the sizable sum of 4, ducats per year; one observer estimated that Noronha made, on average, one ducat per quintal. The French sea captain Binot Paulmier de Gonneville, who arrived in southern Brazil in , traded for brazilwood on his return. But it is unlikely that he was the first French trader in Brazil. At the first place they anchored, however, the Indians refused to trade, but at a second anchorage, they found Indians who would exchange brazilwood and food for European merchandise.
Both depended on transactional go-betweens experienced in Brazil. The Portuguese trade in brazilwood replicated a pattern that the Portuguese had established in Africa: merchants who held contracts from the king traded at a few established feitorias fortified trading posts built along the coast. In the French style, ships landed and traded, but no permanent forts were built. In both patterns of trade, brazilwood was not the only commodity of interest to the Europeans; peppers, feathers, exotic animal skins, monkeys, parrots, medicinal oils, and Indian slaves were also purchased in Brazil with European trading goods.
Merchants sent ships, such as the Bretoa that hailed the feitoria at Cabo Frio in , to load cargoes of brazilwood. The captain of the Bretoa had been directed to submit to the factor once he arrived. By prohibiting the crew from visiting the mainland, the merchants clearly intended to prevent crew members, most of whom were unmarried and some of whom were slaves, from slipping away and remaining in Brazil, which apparently had happened on past trips. Yet, it proved almost impossible to prevent the creation of other, rival transactional go-betweens. The trading post was a community of sorts, and the factor did not live alone.
From the sources that describe a French attack on the Portuguese trading fort in Pernambuco in , we learn that the feitoria had been founded thirty years earlier. In addition to its fort and trading warehouse, it included a church and houses where the agents and scribes of the king and of Portuguese merchants lived.
While this small Portuguese community existed to facilitate the trade in brazilwood, slaves, cotton, cat skins, parrots, and medicinal oils from the trading post, clearly many in the Portuguese community had contact with the surrounding indigenous groups. Although details are slim, the Portuguese living there had established some sort of modus vivendi with neighboring Indians, for when the French attacked, the nearby Indians joined in the battle on the side of the Portuguese.
The French succeeded in taking the trading post, but the French possession was short lived, as the Portuguese destroyed the fort in December At some point in his life, most likely after but before , Carvalho lived in Brazil 62 go-betweens and the colonization of brazil for four years. His son, by a Brazilian Indian woman, accompanied him. Pigafetta attributes to Carvalho an explanation of cannibalism that was possibly the first that explained to Europeans the meaning of the practice.
The French left men in Brazil known as truchements interpreters , who lived with Indian groups and facilitated trade when merchant ships arrived, or French merchant ships carried their own interpreters, who negotiated with Indians for brazilwood. How this trade might have been initiated is visible in the log kept by the Portuguese mariner Pero Lopes de Sousa. In , just south of Cabo Santo Agostinho, Indians swam out to the Portuguese ships and asked the crews if they were interested in brazilwood.
As it was by now standard operating procedure for ships to have interpreters on board, Pero Lopes de Sousa had no difficulty understanding the Indians and communicating with them. However, Lopes de Sousa was not interested in brazilwood, as the ship he commanded was part of an armada that had a different mission from the Portuguese king, but to a French sea captain, such an overture might well have resulted in trade. In the depositions given by the first known Englishmen engaged in piracy in the Americas appear references to interpreters and negotiators. The crew of the Barbara was tried for piracy on their return from a sea voyage that left Portsmouth in March and sailed along the coasts of Spain and Portugal, the Canary and Cape Verde Islands, Brazil, and Haiti before returning to England.
The pilot then convinced the captain and crew to change direction and make for another landing he knew. Captain Phillips then sailed northwest. The crew of the Barbara soon found themselves under fire from the Indians, led by those who had deserted. Hawkins made three trips from Plymouth to Brazil in the s, stopping first along the coast of Guinea for elephant tusks and other unspecified commodities. After a year, Hawkins shipped out for Brazil, but en route the chief died. Nevertheless, Hawkins found Cockeram, whom the Indians agreed to give up, even through the English could not deliver their chief in return.
By midcentury, however, one group of transactional go-betweens appears frequently in the writings of several Europeans who visited Brazil.
Staden later published an account of his captivity, which made him one of the most influential of the sixteenth-century representational go-betweens. Staden represented his whole experience of captivity in Brazil as a witness of his Christian faith for his European readers.
Yet, one of the most striking descriptions in his tale is the portrait he draws of a transactional go-between: a Norman interpreter who had gone native in Brazil. Both groups shared a common language and culture. He hoped that a Norman interpreter or a French sailor would come to his aid, out of a common European bond and shared Christian values.
Now we shall see whether you are in truth a Frenchman or not. After he recovered from his shock that the Norman interpreter would not help him, Staden realized that he had no other option but to try again. He met Karwattuware some time later and again tried to use him as an intermediary with his captors. This time he had more success.
But even Karwattuware could not do anything for Staden. Staden first pleaded with Jacob, one of the crew members who came ashore to trade and who spoke Tupi, to take him to the ship, but that failed. Later that day he ran away and swam out to the ship. But the French sailors refused to take him on board Fig. He continued to live with Konyan Bebe at Ubatuba and even accompanied him on an elevenday war party against his former friends—the Tupinikin and their Portuguese allies—at Bertioga in August of A short time later, Konyan Bebe decided to give Staden away to another chief, Abbati Bossange, who lived in the environs of Guanabara Bay.
Abbati Bossange adopted Staden as his son, but Staden continued to look for opportunities to escape. One came very soon, two weeks later, when another French ship arrived to trade. The men on this ship proved to be more sympathetic to Staden. Staden designed a little drama that, with the help of the French crew, allowed him to leave Brazil.
When the ship was fully loaded with goods from Guanabara Bay, the captain of the crew spoke to Abbati Bossange through an interpreter and gave him several chests of trading goods. Hans Staden begging French sailors to take him to France. Meanwhile, several of the crew who looked like Staden posed as his brothers and pretended to prevent Staden from remaining in Brazil. Staden promised Abbati Bossange that he would return the next year, although he had no intention of doing so.
The Catherine sailed with Staden aboard on 31 October , and arrived in Honfleur, Normandy, on or about 20 February But the Maria Bellete, which carried Karwattuware as well as the other Frenchmen who had refused to take Staden aboard, had not yet made it back to France, even though she was overdue by three months.
Although a European, such as Staden, initially saw such a gobetween as possessing extensive power, in fact the power of the Norman interpreter was based on the successful negotiation of his place within Indian society. When Staden was traded to Abbati Bossange, he, too, stepped into the role played by Karwattuware and other Norman interpreters. Just as Karwattuware did not want to alienate the chief who had adopted him as his son, Staden likewise wanted to engineer an escape for himself that would allow Abbati Bossange to save face and to remain on good terms with the French captain who carried Staden to safety.
Two French writers, whose texts, like that of Hans Staden, were avidly consumed by European audiences, also provide descriptions of Norman interpreters. Some Norman interpreters served as his translators, for Thevet did not speak Tupi well enough during his ten weeks in Brazil to converse directly with Indians; other Norman interpreters provided him with information.
It was the job of the Norman interpreter to convince the coastal chiefs that it was in their interest to participate in the trade. Maintaining the flow of knives, hatchets, axes, scissors, and scythes required good relations with the French. Cutting brazilwood. To accomplish this, they had to learn to be persuasive through discourse, they had to obtain social status, and they had to be recognized by local chiefs, for local chiefs would not cooperate unless they perceived the Norman interpreters as trustworthy and dependable, and even as their sons.
Thus, to be effective as go-betweens, Norman interpreters had to become enough a part of the indigenous society to be seen as trustworthy. Norman interpreters could not, for example, refuse a woman, or women, given to them by chiefs, because accepting the women made them sons-in-law to the chief.
Some of the first Europeans in Brazil described exceptionally violent wars between Indian groups,31 and the insertion of competing European powers France and Portugal only intensified intertribal warfare. Given the long tradition of war among Tupi groups, as well as the introduction of powerful new allies and enemies, European go-betweens must certainly have been valued by Indian groups because of their understanding of European arms and fighting.
Coastal Tupi groups practiced exocannibalism, or the eating of those from outside their group, such as enemies captured in warfare. The most famous among them is he that has the most names. Indian chiefs were in a position to demand what they wanted for the brazilwood. Transactional go-betweens became part of Tupi societies and deferred to their fathers-in-law and elders.
Yet, while the relationships they facilitated may have served short-term interests of the tribal elders, in the long run, the brazilwood trade benefited European merchants. As the trade increased in value, the indigenous peoples of Brazil would find themselves faced with an increasing demand for logs. The historian Alexander Marchant argues that as the brazilwood trade brought not only more frequent contact between Indians and Europeans but also increased demands for the logs, the terms of the trade clearly shifted in favor of the Indians.
Brazilwood agents had to deliver more expensive and better trading goods to the Indians to maintain the brazilwood trade. Similarly, Neal Salisbury argues that in the second half of the sixteenth century in North America, the expansion of the fur trade had a negative effect on Indian societies. Portugal, France, England, and Spain all sought to possess some part, or all, of Brazil, either through trade or through exploration and settlement.
Inevitably, the Portuguese, Spanish, and even French desire to possess more than brazilwood led to colonization.
Just as men who had gone native facilitated the brazilwood trade, so, too, did such men negotiate the needs of the first Portuguese colonists, which were far greater than those of the traders. Colonization initiated a new dimension of possession, one that brought sweeping changes to the worlds of the Tupi and Guarani peoples. There was a reason for this. The settlement had grown for the very same reason that Sousa had chosen it: it was near the contested southern boundary of Brazil. The treaty defined a line that separated the Spanish from the Portuguese spheres of influence.
Initially, King Ferdinand of Aragon and Queen Isabella of Castile received from Pope Alexander VI a papal bull granting them the rights to all lands west of a line drawn through the Atlantic, leagues approximately kilometers west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands. After , Spain and Portugal continually disagreed over where the line fell in Brazil: Spanish geographers invariably claimed that it bisected Brazil farther east, thus making Brazil smaller on Spanish maps. This can be seen in the Reinel Map of Map 3.
According to the first references to him, in and , he had been living in Brazil for thirty years. Like the Reinel Map of , the map shows how the Portuguese imagined its possession. These lines, drawn parallel to the equator, bisected the coast at league approximately kilometer intervals and extended from the coast to the line of demarcation, which marked the western frontier of Brazil.
The recipients of the grants generally intended to develop a new economic focus in Brazil, and because the Crown monopolized the brazilwood trade, that new focus was sugar. By the s, 78 go-betweens and the colonization of brazil Map 3. A map of Brazil, c. Biblioteca da Ajuda, Lisbon. But, whereas transactional go-betweens in the brazilwood trade could establish terms of trade that, at least in the short term, were generally seen as favorable to both Indians and Europeans, sugar cultivation was another matter.
The cultivation, cutting, and milling of cane and the boiling and dripping of cane syrup to produce sugar required extensive labor that, unlike the labor of the brazilwood trade, could not easily be fit into the extant lifestyle of coastal Tupi indigenous groups, where women were the primary agriculturalists. On the Atlantic islands off the coast of Africa, sugar possession 79 cultivation had rested on the backs of slaves, imported from other Atlantic islands or from Africa.
Those who intended to introduce sugar into Brazil certainly would have planned to use slaves to meet their labor needs there, too. Moreover, sugar cultivation would encroach on lands and forests already claimed by Indian groups. Sugar, therefore, represented a far greater series of demands from Europeans, and Indians were in a position to refuse.
These slaves were Indians from traditional enemies of the Tupinikin, supplied by Ramalho, who lived on the Piratininga Plateau, above the coastal settlement. Leaving Spain in , two of the three ships arrived at the Island of Santa Catarina, the agreed-upon meeting place, but the third never arrived and was presumed lost. Staden describes how they overtook five canoes in which were two of the Praga brothers, who held off the war party of thirty canoes for two hours with a gun and bows and arrows, but were then overtaken when their arrows ran out.
Staden describes the cannibalization of several of their companions, including a cousin. The two brothers were captives but still alive when Staden was traded to another group. Staden believed that they had escaped, although he did not know if they were later recaptured. But this was to end in Dissatisfaction among his colonists led to a rebellion against his authority. Presumably, Coelho was able to build on existing relationships with the Indians living in the region, as well as new ones, such as that of his brotherin-law with the Indians.
Before leaving Portugal, Coelho had negotiated with investors for the sugar mills, and soon after he arrived, he ordered the construction of these mills. In , five sugar mills were grinding cane, and others then under construction would mill in the future, if the king were to respect the rights and privileges initially granted by Coelho to the sugar mill owners. He saw that good relations with the local Indians were essential. He hired an interpreter to work with his overseer and two other men with the Indians.